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CxiNDID APPEAL 




TO THE 



AMERICAN PUBIilC 



IN REPLY TO 



MESSRS. IXGIIA3I, BRANCH, AND BERRIEN, 



ON THE 



DISSOLUTION OF THE LATE CABINET. 



BY JOHIV H. EATOJV. 



riTV OF -WASHZXrGTOXr: 

PRINTED AT THE GLOBE OFFICE. 

1831. 



CANDID APPEAL 



TO THE 



AMERICAN PUBLIC: 



IS REPLY TO 



MESSRS. INGHAl^I, BRANCH, AND BERRIEN, 



OS TBS 



DISSOLUTION OF THE LATE CABINET. 






BY JOHIV H. EATOIV. 






omr OF 'WASHZNOTOxr: 

PRINTED AT THE GLOBE OFFICE. 



1831. 






e\ 



v'^ 



€Ai\DID APPEAIi, Arc. 



<^5>' 



City of JVashin^on, 

September, 1831. 

TO THE PUBLIC : 

It is with extreme reluctance that I appear 
before the public, upon a subject purely of personal character. 
To me, nothing could be more painful than the necessity of bring- 
ino- into discussion, in the newspapers, any thing which concerns 
ray private and domestic relations. In civilized society, a man's 
house is his castle, and the circle of his family a sanctuary never 
to be violated. He who drags before the public its helpless in- 
mates, and subjects them to rude assaults, deserves to be con- 
sidered worse than a barbarian. Against those who commit such 
sacrilege, and shun an honorable accountability, the public will 
justify an appeal, which, under other circumstances, might not be 
considered admissible. I expect not by this effort to silence 
those who have been assailing all that is dear to me. It may 
open afresh the fountains of their abuse. It is probable, that the 
very remorse and shame which an accurately drawn picture may 
produce, will excite my persecutors to raise clouds of fresh 
calumnies to break upon me with redoubled fury. Let it all 
come! my head is uncovered, and my bosom bare. 

There is another consideration which would seem to impose 
silence. These are times of angry political contest, unsuited 
to dispassionate inquiry. Already have the enemies of the Pre- 
sident made use of my private relations to injure and harrass him. 
In attempting to represent him as devoting his thoughts and his 
power to further my views and wishes, they seek to blind the peo- 



pic to the principles and acts of his administration. They will 
doubtless seize even upon my humble eftbrts at self-vindication 
as means of promoting that design, seriously calculating by their 
machinations, that the people of the United States may be wrought 
into a " tempest of passion," and thus induced to forget the 
signal success of his foreign negociations, and the unparalleled 
prosperity and happiness which, under his administration, our 
country enjoys. 

But to all these consequences I submit myself with entire re- 
signation. A portion of the community will at least do me jus- 
tice. They will perceive that the President is in no need of any 
developments from me to give proofs of his integrity, and that it 
is not for his sake that I present myself before the public. It is a 
paramount duty which I owe to myself and to my family, and which 
shall be performed. Others may conceive, but I cannot describe, 
the pain those attacks have inflicted. It was indeed enough that I 
was assailed in private circles, while I was in office; but retiring 
from its labors, with a view to sit down at my own home, in Tennes- 
see, it was but a reasonable expectation to indulge, that I might 
escape a repetition of these assaults, and be permitted to 
enjoy my fireside and friends in peace. But instead of putting 
an end to this unfeeling war, my resignation served to make 
my enemies more bold. What before was whispered in dark cor- 
ners, now glared in the columns of the newspapers. Men who 
had been my friends — who had received favors at my hands — who 
had partaken of the hospitalities of my house, and given pledgee 
of friendship at my own board, became my deadliest enemies, 
while I still confided in them. I sought that redress which wrongs 
30 wanton and deadly provoked, and whicli public opinion, under 
such circumstances, has always justified. It was refused in a way 
which added insult to injury; and I was then accused, by one of 
the malignant calumniators, as having sought revenge at the head 
of a band of assassins. Not satisfied with privately injuring me 
in my own, and the honor of my household, and shrinking from 
»n honorable and just accountability, these persons have, one af- 
ter another, come before tlic public, to give countenance and sanc- 
tion to the calumnies of a reckless press. Mr. Ingham, Mr. 



Brauch, ami Mr. Berrien, with evident concert, and deliberate de- 
sign, by filling the country with erroneous and discolored state- 
ments, and substituting falsehood for truth, have sought to con- 
summate the ruin which their conduct in office so insidiously 
began. 

What can I do? "What course adopt? There are persons com- 
mitted to my ciiarge who are dear to me. I am their only protec- 
tor. Shall I see them worse than murdered, by men who claim 
the polish and the culture of civilized life, and not lift my hand 
and my voice for their rescue? These gentlemen express a de- 
sire to preserve their characters, as a precious inheritance for their 
cljildren. Is the good name of a mother, of less value to her or- 
phan daughters? Did they forget, that she whom so relentlessly 
they pursue, and who in notlving ever wronged them, has two in- 
nocent little children, whose father lies buried on a foreign shore? 
Had these little ones ever injured them? Were they and their 
mother so much in the way of these gentlemen, that in their 
malignity they should consent to sap the foundation of their future 
prospects in life? Had they no remorse, in conspiring and seek- 
ing to rob them of all that villany and fraud had left them — tha 
inlieritance of a mother's good name? And if they could be stim- 
ulated in their addresses to the public, by the desire of transmittin"' 
to their children a spotless honor and unsullied name, what might 
not be expected of me, in defence of the slandered wife of my 
bosom, and her helpless, unprotected children? Attacks on my- 
self, I disregard. A man's character is in his own hands; in his 
bosom he knows how to protect it. It is by his own acts only, 
that he can be degraded. Not so with a female. The innocent 
and the guilty alike, the envenomed tongue of slander may reach 
and destroy. It is a withering blast, which can blight the sweet- 
est rose, as well as the most noisome weed. 

Although I expect notliing at the hands of those who can violate 
the laws of social life, and all the precepts of "holy charity;" yet 
by an exposure of their motives and designs, I may be able to 
render their future malignity powerless. This induces me to 
make this appeal to my countrymen, and to their award to trust 
it There is in tlie public mind intuitive honor — a native sense of 



6 

justice, ^\liicll rovoltsat wanton attacks on female character, and 
in the end w ill visit the unfeeling assailants with terrible retri- 
bution. To these I appeal, anil on these rely? not in the hope to 
silence the malignant and the vindictive, but to make their attacks 
to recoil upon themselves. 

A place in Gen. Jackson's Cabinet, by me, was never desired. 
My ambition was satisfied with a seat in the Senate which thrice 
liad been kindly bestowed upon me, by my fellow citizens of 
Tennessee. Distrust in my competency to discharge the duties 
gf one of the Departments, and a reluctance to encounter its la- 
bors, induced mc to prefer my situation in the Senate. About to 
enter upon untried scenes, witli a limited knowledge of the char- 
acters and feelings of those by whom he was to be surrounded, 
the President felt anxious to have near him some of his long tried 
personal friends, in whom he had entire confidence. He desired 
that Judge White, my colleague in the Senate, or myself, should 
accept one of the Departments. I urged it upon Judge White, 
because I considered him better qualified, and better adapted to 
the station, than mysell. He declined it. I then felt it to be my 
dnty to accept the ofier of the President. He had just lost the 
partner of his bosom, and was solitary and disconsolate. As in 
his kindness he seemed to think I could be serviceable to him^ 
it did not seem consistent with the friendly relations which had 
lone: subsisted between us, to leave him at such a moment. 

Mr. Van Buren was appointed, because the President had con- 
fidence in his talents and integrity, and because he appeared to 
be the ex[>ectation of the country. Mr. Ingham was selected, 
J'or the reason that the President was induced to believe that the 
democracy of Pennsylvania desired it — Mr. Barry, from a confi- 
dence reposed in him by the President, derived from his personal 
knowledge of his worth and merits. Between the first and last 
named gentlemen and myself, the most cordial friendship has al- 
ways subsisted: nothing has ever arisen to interrupt in the least 
our friendl}' relations. 

Mr. Branch and myself were born and reared in the same 
county of North Carolina, educated at the same college, and had 
been associates and friends, in earlv and in more advanced life. 



I solicited his appointment as a member of the Cabinet, and at the 
President's request informed him of the selection. He made 
no objection — not the least, save on the score of a modest distrust 
of his competency, and expressed at the time much gratitude 
towards the President, and exhibited much good feeling towards 
myself. 

With Mr. Berrien I had been on terms of intimacy, and suppos- 
ing him to be a man of talents and honor, was pleased that he wag 
selected. The President requested me to confer with him in 
relation to his acce ptance. At that time we were in habits of the 
kindest intercourse. He seemed highly flattered by this mani- 
festation of the President's confidence, and offered no objection 
to an acceptance, except intimating a possible interference with 
his private business. The next day he informed me that he would 
accept, which reply I communicated to the President. 

I met all the members of the Cabinet as friends, personal and 
political, to whom was assigned the high destiny, by harmony of 
feeling among themselves, of giving unity of design and vigor of 
action to the administration of General Jackson. In the same 
light, I am sure, did he consider us. In the singleness of his 
heart and the ardor of his patriotism, he suspected not that there 
was amongst us, any other object, than, by our cordial support, to 
enable him in the Cabinet, as he had done in the field, '» to fill 
the measure of his country's glory." Far otherwise were the 
feelings and purposes of Messrs. Ingham, Branch and Berrien, as 
in the course of this exposition, will, I believe, satisfactorily and 
fully appear. 

Mr. Berrien in a late address to the public says: 

" The annunciations of the names of the intended Cabinet seemed to me, 
■""however, to present an insuperable bar to my acceptance of the office 
" which was tendered to me. I thought I foresaw clearly the evils wliich 
" have too obviously resulted from the selection. A gentleman ' high in 
" the cpnfidence of the President' — whom he consulted, ' expressed his 
" decided conviction, founded on a long and intimate knowledge of the 
*' President's character, that he would himself speedily see, and correct 
" the evil.' I yielded to those suggestions, and took my seat in the 
" Cabinet," 



A writer iu the Telegraph, of the 14th July last, believed to 
be Mr, Berrien, speaking iu behalf of Mr. Ingham, makes the 
following remarks: 

" Perilling the organization of the Cabinet, the President was informed by 
" sevci-al persons of higli standing, and those his strong party supporters, 
" that there were objections to I^Iajor Eaton, which would lead to difficul- 
" tics not hkcly to be removed." "It was not necessary for Mr. Ingham to 
" tike any part in the affair. Every one knew that pubhc sentiment would, 
" in due time, concentrate on what was amiss, and correct it." 

In the Telegraph of the 28th July, probably by the same writer, 
it is asked: 

"By whose advice was it, that Judge McLean was arranged to tlie War 
" Department, before the Cabinet was announced, in order to remove the 
" 'malign influence,' which even then threatened the dissohition of the party. 
" It was by the personal, political and long tried friends of the President, 
" that this advice was given; and it was by the same advice that these gen- 
" tlemen ret.oined their seats in the Cabinet in the confident hope that the 
" President would sooner or later sec his error and correct it" 

These extracts carry on their face evidence of a common ori- 
gin. If not penned by the same hand, they must have sprung 
from the same councils — were all written with the same views 
and same object, and disclose with sufficient clearness to whom I 
am indebted for the long covert, and at last, open attacks upon 
me and my household, as well as their purpose. Certain gentle- 
men, who styled themselves the " personal, political, and long 
tri(?d friends of the President," undertook, it seems, without his 
knowledge or consent, to arrange and fix his cabinet. I, who 
had been his particular friend and associate for twenty years; 
who had adhered to him "through good report, and through evil re- 
port," during two bitter contests for the Presidency, and who, 
against my wishes, was selected as a member of his cabinet, was to 
be set aside as unworthy, in the estimation of these gentlemen, to 
associate with him, or to participate in his conncils. This secret 
cabal of exclusive friends advised Mr. IJeraien to accept a seat in 
the cabinet, under the secret expectation that I would be driven 
from it. By the same persons. Judge M'Lean was arranged to the 
War Department, their object being expressly to get rid of mc. 
They advised Messrs. Ingham, Branch i^nd Berrien, to cleave fast 



t« their hold, which they diil, even under alleged "indignity 
and insult" too, in the " coniidcut hope that the President would 
speedily see and correct the evil." Without the President's 
knowledge, and without mine, this cabal of " personal, political, 
and long tried friends," were thus endeavoring to control all the 
cabinet arrangements, and secretly to place around the President 
men of their* selection and stamp. It was not for him to select 
his own counsellors, or decide who were his " personal, political, 
and long tried friends" — men who had supported him only when 
they had lost all hope of Mr. Calhoun — who had joined his stand- 
ard only when their favorite candidate had disappeared from the 
contest, and who had supported him as a secondary choice — 
Your Inghams, Berricns, and others, were now arrogating to be- 
come his exclusive counsellors, and to thrust from his presence as 
unworthy of his trust and confidence, those who had supported 
bim for his own sake — whose attachment was cemented by years 
of confidential intercourse — whose faith and energies were 
pledged to his support, and whose hopes were all concentrated in 
the success and prosperity of his administration. 

Mr. Branch was made the instrument of abler heads, and atr 
tempted to become a manager in this business. In his recent letr 
ter, he mentions a call which he made on the President previous to 
my nomination to the Senate, at which he arrogantly represented 
that my selection would be improper and unfortunate, and gave his 
reasons, which appear to have related solely to my family. He also 
states he then came to advise me against accepting a place 
in the cabinet, admitting that the charges made against my family 
were false, but representing " what use the opposition would 
make of it," and that "the enemies of the President would not" 
fail to make a handle of it." He says that he placed Mrs. Jack- 
son and Mrs. Eaton on the same footing, and desired to save the 
President " from recollections which would be painful and dis- 
tressing." Mr. Branch has a treacherous recollection. He kept 
no note book, or, like his co-partner, Mr. Ingham, he has accom- 
modated his notes to emergencies. I can put him right in this 
affair, not doubting his admission of the truth of the narration I 
offer, if honor be left him, although he may deny the motive whidh, 
J feel persuaded influenced him at fhe time. 



10 

Failiii" ill the attoiupt to piOYcnt my apfjolatmeiit, and to dis- 
suade or rather deter me from accepting, Mr. E; ar.ch was next 
nude the insbunient of a piece of secret manageinenl, having in 
view the same result. 

It was suggested to the President after the first arrangement of 
the Cabinet was made, that Mr. M'Lean entertained objactions 
agains^t remaining in the Post Office Dopartcient. It was known 
that the President was disposed to gratify him, by placing him in 
another Department, if he could do so with a proper regard to 
others previously selected. This, it seems, taken in connexion 
with my known rcpusrnancc, under any circumstances, to under- 
take the labors of that Department, furnished a hinttb those who 
wished my exclusion from the Cabinet of which they hastened to 
avail themselves. Mr. Branch declared that the President might 
place him where he pleased. He should he satisfied', and pro- 
posed to me, that we should, if the President approved it, assent to 
the placing of Mr. M'Lean in either of the Departments assigned 
to us, as he might choose, to which I aassented. The War, Navy, 
and Post Ollice Departments, were then considered open to re-as- 
signment, according to the will of the President. The result 
was Mr. M'Lean was arranged to the War Department, Mr. 
"Branch to the Post Office, and myself to the Navy Department. 
This did not meet the object. Mr. Branch made unexpected 
difficulties, and at the desire of those who proposed the change, 
the ori";inal arrang-ement was restored. 

I suspected no other than a fair and honest motive in all this; 
but we are now informed, through the expositions recently made 
in the Telegraph, that all Mr. Branch's movements originated in 
the "advice" of certain ^^ personal, political and long tried 
friends of the President,^' given with a view, as is now expressly 
stated, "■to remove^'' me from the Cabinet. 

At lengtli the Cabinet was formed. Mr. Berrien expressly 
says, that he entered it, only because he expected "the President 
himself would speedily see and correct the evil" of my appoint- 
ment; and that lie clearly " foresaw the evils which have resulted 
from the selection." His declaration is no doubt true. No pro- 
phets foresee future events, so precisely and so certainly, as those. 



11 

who havinc; the lucans in their own control, are determined to 
bring th' m to pass. Foreseeing the evils, he must have foreseen 
the means throun;h wliich tlieir correction was to be broiicht about. 
lie must liave foreseen, that he and his associate friends intended 
to use the influence and consequence which office gave, to accom- 
plish their expectations — the persecution of my ftimily — the at- 
tempt to degrade me, and all the arts whi,ch subsequently they have 
employed to procure my removal. 

How could so mucli be foreseen, if it had not been predetermiu 
ed? No prophecy could have been so confidently relied on, if it 
had not then been resolved, by a cabal of the President's pretend- 
ed "friends," with a view to concentrate public opinion, that 1 
and my family should be proscribed from intercourse, with that 
portion of society over whichthey and their families had, or could 
liave influence. Not a doubt is left on my mind, that before the 
nomination of the Cabinet to the Senate, the means of operating on 
public opinion, and forcing the President to exclude me, were de- 
vised, arranged, and fixed upon, by and with the knowledge and 
approbation ot Messrs. Itighjim and Berrien, if not of Mr. Branch; 
and the means to be employed under their boasted sense of honor — 
an honor which in their bosoms inspired an earnest desire to trans- 
mit to their children, " an unsullied, good name" were, the abuse 
and slander of a mother, with two innocent daughters, whose good 
name was blended with hers, and in attacks upon my integrity and 
honor. Did they reason themselves into the belief, that the inheri- 
tance of a parent's good name, was of no value, only as it regard- 
ed their children; and that whether others lived or perished, was 
not material, if they and theirs were safe. 

Did I merit such course of treatment from Mr. Berrien? We 
had served together for several years in the Senate of the United 
States. He was iniited to, and was present at my marriage, six 
or eight weeks before. We were in habits of dally friendly inter- 
course; on my part, free and unrestrained, and, as I supposed, 
equally so on his. He professed to be my friend, and such I 
thought him. Was it honorable, then, and was it just, to hide 
from me all tlic " evils'' which he '^foresaiv," and suffer me to run 
blindly upon inextricable di.Ticultie^r Should he not have warn 



12 

td me, that not "the opposition" — not " the enemies of the Pret- 
ideiit*' merely, as Mr. Branch states, but his friends — "his per- 
sonal, political, and long tried friends," — aye, even those whom 
he had selected as members of his Cabinet, viewed mj selection 
as an evil, and intended to use it to distract his councils, embar- 
rass his administration, and provide for a successor? Had Mr. 
Berrien frankly informed me, that he and his associates considered 
my appointment "an insuperable bar" to their acceptance, an is- 
sue would at once been tendered. I should have desired the Pres- 
ident to excuse me, and given him my reasons, and then, for the 
sake of harmony, he would have discharged cither me or them. 
But all was concealed from me, and only against the probable 
course of the opposition, — the enemies of the President, was I ad- 
vised and warned. I was not taught to expect, that in Ingliam, 
Branch and Berrien, I should find these very enemies, who were 
smiling upon him, and me, with unqualified professions of devo- 
tion and friendship. Against their assaults, it was hence impos- 
sible to guard. Again, I ask, was it just or honorable in Mr. Ber- 
rien, entertaining the views which he has recently avowed, to con- 
ceal them from me, and thus lead me blindly forward, upon a mine 
which he knew was prepared for my destruction .f* 

However he may excuse himself for his practiced concealment 
towards me, yet was he bound in duty to the President and to the 
country, to communicate his views frankly and fully to him. He 
knew the importance, nay absolute necessity, of entire harmony 
in the Cabinet, and that the views of the President, in relation to 
the reformation of the government, and home interests of the coun- 
try, could not be accomplished without it. Mr. Berrien knew, 
that the President had a right to expect unity of feeling and ac- 
lion amongst those whom he had selected as his counsellors; and 
that in justice to himself, and to the people who had elected him, 
he would not knowingly constitute a Cabinet of discordant mate- 
rials. Yet " clearly foreseeing all the evils which have resulted,^'' 
he concealed his feelings and his views, and suffered a Cabinet to 
be formed, between whose friendly association and cordial co-op- 
eration, there was an " insuperable bar,'>'> which he clearly saw; 
Vit which riw President did not. By this concealment, and want 



13 

of candor, he suffered hiss friend and benefactor to be led into er. 
ror, in the very first step of his administration, and which, in 
common with other enemies, he is now attemptin;;; to wield to his 
destruction. On whom ought the responsibility of organizing 
such a Cabinet to rest? On the ronfuhng friend, who, judging of 
men by their professions, selected those as its members whom he 
believed to be friendly to each other, and devoted to the success of 
his administration; or to those deceitful individuals, who, fore- 
seeing all the evils which have resulted, kept them concealed from 
the President, and entered his Cabinet only because they expect- 
ed such discord and division to arise, that ^''public sentiment 
n'oiild concentrate'^ upon one of their colleagues, and force his re- 
moval ? 

The questions so gravely raised and discussed in the public 
newspapers about visiting — leaving a card, and invitations to 
•' large parties" or small ones, in this city, cannot but appear mat- 
ters of derision to the American people. Who calls upon hig 
neighbor, or invites him to eat and drink with him, and who does 
not, is a matter of no concern to the people; and to them it 
must appear ridiculous, tliat statesmen and Cabinet counsellor?, 
have thought it necessary to disturb them with matters so tri- 
fling. But even these have been rendered of some importance, 
us developing the motives of men, and accounting for events of 
higher importance. And in this view is it, that I am about to in- 
troduce such a topic, and beg to be pardoned for doing so. 

After my marriage in January 1829, my wife and myself visit- 
ed Philadelphia, and were absent from Washington two weeks. 
Amongst those who had called in our absence to visit and pay 
us the customary congratulations, were Mr. and Mrs. Calhoun— 
their cards had been left. In cities, leaving at a neighbor's 
house, a card — a small piece of pasteboard with the name upon it, 
is called a visit. Not long afterwards, we called at Mr. Cal- 
houn's lodging to return the ci\'ility. After sending in our names, 
we were invited up to the Vice President's parlor, where Mrs. 
Calhoun was alone, and received us with much politeness. — 
We spent a short time, quite agreeably, and took our leave. 
Afterwards, these cills were not repeated on cither side. This 



14 

was a short time before it was understood who Avould compose 
;hc Cabinet of Gen. Jackson. 

Another trifling incident is worthy of note. When it was as- 
<eriained certainly that I would be Secretary of War, Mr. Cal- 
houn requested the appointment of one of his friends as my Chief 
Clerk. To another gentleman who made the same request, I 
made a promise to comply with Mr. Calhoun's wishes. Consid- 
erations not thought of at the time, imluced me to change my 
<letermination; in con3e<iuenceof,which, 1 declined to make the 
•ippointmcnt, and sent an cMpIanationto the gentleman, to whcm 
1 had given the promise. None was oftered to Mr. Calhoun, for 
none was asked, and to him no promise had been made. Fron\ 
liiat time he broke otV all intercourse with me, ofiicial as well as 
private. 

Soon after the Cabinet was organized, indications of those se- 
cret views, which Mr. Berrien now openly avows, began to mani- 
fest themselves. Tiie motive was not apparent, yet was it suifi 
ciently evident, that there was a settled design to put a ban on 
luy familv, and render my position at Washington disagreeable 
to me. This was to be promoted by all the influence and im- 
portance which high station conferred on some of my colleagues. 
Confederacies were formed, and eSbrts made to awaken preju- 
dices. To give countenance to the confederates, and to aid their 
efforts, old slanders were revived, and new ones circulated. 
Families coming to the city, were beset on the way, and on their 
arrival. No means which ingenuity could invent, or malice make 
use of, were left untried to give tone to public sentiment, — 
"to make it concentrate" and force the President to separate me 
from his councils. Hope gave the assurance tliat in a little while, 
he would see public opinion concentrated and would " speedily 
( orrect the evil." 

Let me not be misunderstood. I never complained of any one 
lor not associating with me or my family. It is the right of every 
man, and of every woman, to visit whom they please. To see 
mv house fdled willi unwilling or reluctant visiters, constrained 
to call by the command of power, could never be desired by me. 
Happily, I was never dependent on such auMiorily for friends, 
:i><;o(ia(f'« and visiters. Always, when my doors were open, at 



15 

''large parties,*' and at social calls, I raet friendt!, Avith cordial 
hearts and happy faces, who evinced by their frank and open demea- 
nor that they came of their own volition, and not through liopc ot 
leward, or fear of punishment. It is true I did not meet some 
of my colleagues, or their families, nor some of their associates 
of the same political stamp; but I met ladies and gentlemen quite 
as respectable, and equally as agreeable. If, as is true, I and my 
family were not invited to the houses of Messrs. Ingham, Branch 
and Berrien, so neither were they invited to mine, and in this wc 
were equal; and neither, as I conceive, had a right to complain. 

Mr. Berrien's family never did refuse to visit with mine, for 
they never had the opportunity. Custom required, when they 
came to the city, being last in tlieir arrival, that we should first 
call on them, if we desired their acquaintance; but we never did 
call. 

How ridiculous does tiiis single fact render Mr. Berrien's pub- 
lication, which he has set forth with such grave formality. " He 
had ascertained the sense of society here, he says, and conform- 
ed to it in this matter, when in fact he never had an opportunity 
to conform to, or depart from it. He maintains that the Presi- 
dent threatened to dismiss liim, because he would not compel his 
family to visit where he did not choose they should, when in fact 
they never had an opportunity to visit there. Throughout, he pre- 
sents me and my family as craving the society of his, which he 
haughtily refused, when, in fact the first, the natural and the usual 
advance, on our part, had never been made. 

It will be seen, then, that had the President set out to regulate 
the intercourse of society, and to direct its social relations, he 
ought to have begun with me, not Mr. Berrien. lie must have 
threatened to dismiss me, if I did not compel my family first to 
call on his and leave a tariL What! force Mr. Berrien, under 
such circumstances, to force his family upon us! The President 
certainly ought first to \\k\c: forced us to give them an opportunity 
to decline our acquaintance. To force together unwilling peo- 
ple, and particularly to begin with tlie wrong persons, would in- 
iieed appear an odd and strange procedure. 

In the autumn of 1829, new attacks began to be made, in 
•whispers, on my integrity. It was said I had conspired with my 



id 

wife's first husband, Mr. Timbcriake, to defraud the govcrnineat 
of large j^uir.s of money. Other attempts to get rid of me, 
haviiiu; failed, I was now to be presented as being in default t© 
the udvernment, through fraud practised on it. Mr. Timberlake 
had been a Purser in the Navy, and this charge was based upon 
a reported deficiency in his accounts with the public; and on a 
private letter of mine, detained in the 4th Auditor's office, show- 
ing that on my suggestion, he had remitted money to me. 
Copies of my private confidential letters to him, had been takea 
from the office, that I might not escape through apprehended in- 
dtdfreticc and favor, on the part of Mr. Kendall. Matters were 
considered well arranged, and the proof complete to show, that 
this deliriquencv was wholly occasioned by remittances of money 
to me, and which was yet in my possession. Such were the 
whispers circulated through the society of this place. But a 
close investigation, which occupied some time, showed that ^Ir. 
Timberlake's account had been deprived, through a series of 
shocking frauds, of credits to the amount of from 12 to 820,000, 
and that justly he was largely a creditor, not a debtor, to the 
Government. But with mutilated books — abstract of accounts 
missing, and the inventory gone from the Department, his family 
can only appeal, under all the circumstances, to the justice and 
honor of the country, for redress. 

While slander held its open day, and midnight round of whis- 
per on this subject, I received from some malignant being, who 
subscribed himself lago, the lollowingnote: 

"Sir, I have written a letter to Mr. Kendall about the money that paid 
" for O'Neal's houses. You know what I mean. Revenge is sweet, and I 
" have you in my power, and I will roast you, and boil you, and bake you ; 
" and I hope you may long live to prolong my pleasure. Lay Dot the flat- 
*' tering unction to your soul, that you can escape me. I would not that 
" dcatli, cr any evil thing, should take you from my grasp for half the 
" world." 

Who the writer of this fiendish note is, I have never ascer- 
tained. 1 cannot turn my thoughts on an enemy so implacable, 
that he would be unwillinu; the man he hated should find re- 
po'»o in death. Yet i'* it m character with the act? of ihast 



17 

'whose forecast pointed to the means, by which the evil of my se*'- 
lection, as a member of the Cabinet, was to be made apparent, 
and the President forced "speedily to see and correct the evil." 
If I could have been driven from all respectable society, or had 
fixed upon me collusion and fraud, in obtaining the funds ot the 
Government, then would the Cabinet have been relieved of my 
presence, and the prophecy of Mr. Berrien completely fulfilled. 
Congress had now commenced its first session after the inau- 
guration of the President. The recommendations in his message 
had been received with uncommon applause. But it was soon 
perceived, that little, in furtherance of his views, was to be ex- 
pected from some of the political gnetlemen who were professing 
regard to the administration. Movements amongst some of my 
colleagues, with others in the same political interest, indicated a 
tlisposition again to wage against me, a war of exclusion. Rumors 
of a combination to force me from the Cabinet, attracted the Pre^ 
sident's attention. He suspected that a portion of his Cabinet 
had entered it, in disguise, and had fomented some of the mis- 
chief he had encountered; and accordingly determined, if it 
should appear that they were guilty of such duplicity, and had 
combined to harrass and drive out one of their colleagues, they 
should share the fate they were preparing for another. While 
y^flecting on the course proper to be adopted. Colonel Richard IVL 
Johnson called on a visit; and to him he disclosed his difficulties 
and intentions. Colonel Johnson entertained a better opinion 
of these gentlemen than to believe they harbored hostile viewj? 
towards me, or had entered into a combination to expel me from. 
the Cabinet. Accordingly he solicited the consent of the Presi- 
dent to converse with them as a friend, that by ascertaining the 
suspicions entertained to be incorrect, he might relieve them from 
the imputation. He had no other authority or permission than this:: 
The mission was of his own seeking; he was actuated solely by a 
desire to maintain harmony; and if he could, to be of service to 
these gentlemen. Whether he spoke upon politics — religion — • 
philosophy — ladies' cards, invitations to large parties or smalli-~ 
social or political intercourse — all, all was upon his own responsi- 
bility, and upon his own authority. Through* Him thf; President 



18 

made no propojition, rto rcriuisition, and no threat. For myself 1 
knew nothing of it. 

It is a little remarkable, that neither of the three gentlemen, 
in their published statements, speak of any proposition as com- 
ing directly from the President, which was considered at all 
insulting or improper. Though they insist, that Col. Johnson was 
authorized to threaten, and did threaten themj yet not one pre- 
tends, tliat directly the President insinuated any tiling of the kind 
to either. " It is strange, passing strange," that Col. Johnson, a 
man of known integrity and honor, should deny this — strange, 
that when they met the President, he breathed to them nothing 
like it — and yet stranger still, that in defiance of these proofs, and 
these circumstances, they still insist, that they were insulted ! Who 
now will wonder that the Cabinet was changed, or who maintain 
that it ought to have been longer continued? No sooner had Mr. 
Branch stated, that Col. Johnson had threatened their dismissal, 
than it was promptly denied by the President, who said he would 
forthwith send for Col. Johnson; and for that purpose called a ser- 
vant. Why did the messenger not go? Mr. Branch explains I 
" It is unnecessary to send for Col. Johnson; for your word is suf- 
ficient." And why is that word not now sufllcient? Then, Mr. 
Branch received it as true — told it, no doubt, to his colleagues — 
and yet do they come before the public boldly to assert as true, 
w hat then was given up as a mistake — an entire misconception on 
their part. Content with the explanation offered at the time, con- 
vinced of the incorrectness of their impressions these gentlemen 
jiow assert their displeasure and discontent, and at the end of fifteen 
months, come out and maintain lha| to be true, which before had 
been given up as a false and' incorrect impression. As for my- 
self, I can say, and do tl•uly^say, that I never uttered, or brought 
to the consideration of the President, any complaint in reference 
to myself. I was always content to keep the redress of mv own 
wrongs and injuries in my own hands, and to ask the aid and assis- 
tance of no one, in or out of power. No intimation was ever had by 
me that Col. Johnson intended to make such inquiry; nor did 1 
know that he had made it. The lofty sense of honor entertained 
by General Jackson would never permit him to compromit the 



19 

honor of his friends. He has not compromltted mine; and yet he 
would have' done it, had he used his authority to extort courtesy 
in my behalf from Messrs. Ingham, Branch and Berrien. But 
vhy reason aboui it? If the disavowal of the President, estab- 
lished even by his accusers, who so lately were his professing 
friends — if to confront INIr. Branch with Colonel Johnson, and 
Avhich alone was prevented by a declaration that he (Mr. Branch) 
was entirely satisfied — ^if the assertion of Colonel Johnson, that 
he had no authority to communicate any such thing — did not 
communicate it, and so informed the parties at the time — if all 
Ihis be not sufficient to prove the falsity of the statements which 
tliese gentlemen, in their malignity, have so recklessly hazarded 
before the public, then would it not be believed, " though one 
arose from the dead." 

By their conduct at the time, my colleagues manifested that 
nothing had been required of them, which, as is now asserted, 
tiiey considered dishonorable. If they had believed so— if, after 
conversing with the President, they thought he had exacted of 
thom that to which, as honorable men, they could not conform, 
they should have immediately tendered their resignations. To 
suppose they could do otherwise, is to presume that for the sake of 
oflice they were willing tamely to submit to the "indignity and 
outrage" of which tiiey now complain. Though the concealments 
by which they imposed themselves, on the President, their con- 
duct towards me, and especially Mr. Ingham's note-book, in 
which, being a confidential adviser and in one sense a part of his 
family, he noted down, if he is to be believed, the free, the pri- 
vate and familiar conversations of the President for future use, 
present spectacles of human degradation at which honorable 
minds would revolt; yet, I cannot suppose that they would re- 
main in the Cabinet, under a consciousness that hourly they might 
be exposed to the same indignity, involving their personal 
honor, and the honor of their families. It is utterly impossible 
that gentlemen now apparently so sensitive, could have submitted 
themselves to such a state of things, Avithout complaint, for fif- 
teen months. By their remaining in the Cabinet so long after the 
" indignity and outrage" of which they now complain, 1 must con- 



20 

cjude tiiat the President had not insulted them by any dishonom- 
ble and improper recjuisition, or else that they loved their offices 
better than their honor, and that their present violence is caosed 
only by the loss of them. 

But in relation to Mr. Branch, I have something even better 
ihan Mr. Inj^ham's note-book, to prove what actually were his 
feelintrs towards the President at and about the very time whea 
this pretended indij^nity of Colonel Johnson was offered. It is a 
letter* addressed by Mr. Branch to the President, in his own 
hand writing, on the 29th of January, 1830, and which on the 
same day was inclosed to me, in the hope that a reconciliation 
might take place between us. Agreeably to Mr. Ingham's note- 
book, it was "on Wednesday the 27th day of January, 1830,'' 
that this alleged " indignity and outrage" was offered. Of course 
this letter was written but two days after, and on the identical 
day when Mr. Branch, feeling himself deeply afflicted at the 
communication made to him by Colonel Johnson, called, as he 
states, to see the President; and when, as he says, " the Presi- 
dent's feelings were too much enlisted to weigh any reasons 
which might be offered." And were Mr. Branch's feelin^-s too 
much enlisted "to weigh any reasons?" Was he, as we are 
told was the case with all three of the gentlemen, indignant at 
the outrage? Let the letter speak for itself, and show how deeply, 
and how like an insulted and wounded man he could write at 
{his instant of excitement, when honor and feeling, through the 
instrumentality of Colonel Johnson, had been rudely troddcH 
under foot. 

" Navt Departmzxt, January 29, 1830. 

"Dear Sir: 1 have received your note of yesterday's date, and do most 
*' cheerfully accept your friendly mediation ; more, however, from a desire 
'" to gpve you an additional evidence of the friendly fcelin.^s whicli have ac- 
'** tuatcd my bosom towards yourself, than from a consciousness of having' 
"" given to Major Katon just cause for the wiUidrawiil of his friendship. As 
"' a further manifestation of tlie frankness whicli 1 trust will ever character- 
■*• ize my conduct, 1 agree to meet him this day at two o'clock, in the pre- 
" sencc of Major Harrj, at Mr. Van IJuren's, and in his presence also. 

'■' Yours, truly, JOHN BRANCH. 

" To the Pbesidext of tlie United States." 

• I accidentally found tliis letter, a few days since, amonpst some old 
papers, not intentionally preserved, for Dntil bow I ircvor conceived it t* 

"ho cf any consequence- 



21 

This letter, written directly after the indignity couiplaiiied of 
was offered, bears no impress of insulted feeling ; on the contra- 
ry, it breathes a spirit of kindness and friendship towards the 
President, whom he recognizes as a "mediator," seeking with al- 
most parental solicitude, to heal the division amongst the members 
of the Cabinet, and anxious for the restoration of harmony. Sure- 
ly in writing that letter, which he concludes by signing himself, 
"yours truly," he could not have supposed, that the President 
had just offered him an indignity; or if so, it only proves how great 
a hypocrite he is. At that time, we did not speak. As much pa- 
rade as he makes of his friendly feelings entertained towards me, 
he was the very reverse of all that the name of friend con- 
veys; and knowing it as 1 did, I would not permit him to seem to 
be what he was not. I had refused to return his salutations, and 
declined all intercourse, except when we met at the President',s. 
I never complained of jNlr. Branch, as he asserts in his let- 
ter to the public. It was he who complained, if at all com- 
plaint were made. His letter to the President, thanks him for his 
offer to act as a mediator in our difference, speaks of his good feel- 
ings towards rae, and willingness to meet me at two o'clock that 
day. 1 have no doubt it was his professions of friendship and 
Ivindness towards me, made to the President, which induced him 
to become Mr. Branch's mediator in tlu§ .Uisincss. On receivin"- 
the letter, he enclosed it to me, and ejiprjissed a wish tliat good 
feelings could be-restored between ys. An-intervievv took place, 
at the room of the Attorney General, at vyhicli Major Barry and 
Mr. Berrien were present. 

It was here that Mr. ]jranch, in the presence of these gentle- 
men, expressed friendship for me, and in the strongest terms de- 
clared, that he did not entertain an unkind feeling tov.arus me, 
and wished he had a glass in his bosom, through which his everv 
thought could be read. lie spoke of the non-intercourse between 
our families, and said, he had not the slightest objection to a free 
association? but that he could not control his. 1 prompth* an- 
swered, that I did not desire his or any other family lo \isit mine, 
except with their own free consent? and that it was my desire our 
iamilies shetild, ia that respect, pursne such cottrsc as t^iey tliought 



22 

(u liud jiioper. We shook hands and parted as friends. Mr- 
Berrien affected much satisfaction at this reconciliation, and pre- 
tended to liail it as the harbinger of future harmony and good will. 
1 say yvrc/fWf/crf, because, under all the circumstances of recent 
disclosure, he felt not what he said he did. It was only adding 
another and another fold, to that cloak of hypocrisy in which he 
had wrapped himself, from the first formation of the Cabinet. 

Such were the incidents of Friday the 29th of January, 1830, 
Hie moment when, as their communications to the public disclose, 
thev were writhing under a sense of deep and lasting "indignity 
and outrage," at the threats of Col. Johnson, borne to them from 
the President. "Where then was the lofty dignity of Mr. Ikrrien 
and Mr. Branch, that the one could declare how pleased he was 
at the reconciliation made, and the other protest the good feelings 
which he entertained for me? 

Let us sec how the facts stand, if these men speak truth. On 
Wednesday, the 2rtli of January, 1830, the President, through 
Col. Johnson, threatened to dismiss them, ifthey did not compel 
their families to associate with mine, which they considered such 
an "indignity and outrage," that they seriously thought of re- 
signing. On Tiiursday, the 28th, the " indignity and outrage" 
Iwing unatoned and even unexplained, the President wrote a note 
U) Mr. Branch, offering his ^'friendly 'mediation,'^ to bring about — 
what? Not social intercourse between our fimiilies — but a resto- 
ration of friendly intercourse between ourselves. In tbe morning 
of Friday, the 29th, (for he says he will meet me at two o'clock,) 
he accepted the friendly ofi'er, thus acknowledging that he con- 
sidered the President an impartial umpire, an unprejudiced, un- 
excited and just man, in whose hands he could trust his chai'ac- 
ter and his honor: and yet stranje to tell, on the same day, havin<r 
called on the President for some explanation about Col. Johnson's 
insulting message, he found ^' the PrcHidcnVs feelings were too 
much enlisted to weigh any reasons which might be offered"!! 
V»'ho ran believe all this? '•^ Most cheerfully,'''' says he, I *' accept 
your friendly mediation.'^ What I Accept the mediation of a 
man, who. two days before, had required him to humble himself 
to me like the meanest slave, and had not atoned for it? Accept 






the luediaiiou of a man whose feelings were so much enlistud lu 
my fuvoi-, that he would not listen to reason? Impossible! Had 
Mr. liiancii felt that an indignily had been offered him, he would 
have replied to the President: " Sir, your insulting message 
througii Col. Johnson, must be first explained, before I can avail 
myself of ' vour friondly mediation.'" Ry his whole conduct, 
he showed that he entertained no such feeling, and that the whole 
story about " indignity and outrage," is a sheer invention, got up 
now to injure tlie President. 

This letter of Mr, Branch shows, that in addition to Col. John- 
sou's /r/cn(//7/ medial ion, the President was willing to exert his 
own, as afrioid, to heal the breacii, in anticipation of the meeting 
to which he invited the Secretaries, on Friday the SQth, to de- 
clare the basis on which he had resolved to fix the harmony of his 
Cabinet. Mr. Branch and myself, the principal difficulty having 
arisen between us, met, as has been stated, at Mr. Berrien's, and 
adjusted our relations amicably; and yet it is pretended, that this 
reconciliation produced, as is seen from Mr. Branch's note, by 
the kind and friendly interposition of the President, is represent- 
ed to have been immediately preceded by "indignity and outrage," 
and to have been succeeded by a state of feeling too much excited 
" to loeigh any reasons ivhich might be offered.^^1! How tho- 
roughly is all this contradicted by Mr. Branch's contemporaneous 
note. 

Private difficulties were now at an end, and, as was Avell under- 
stood, families were to visit or not, according to their inclination?. 
In two days the " indignity and outrage" which had been oifered 
IB these gentlemen was forgotten, so much so that for fifteen 
months matters glided on in tolerable harmony. Nothing more 
was said or heard of this subject, until the President, as he had an 
unquestioned right to do, thought proper to request their resig- 
nations. Then were old notes and memoranda burnished \ip, 
and that over which they had slept so long, immediately became a 
subject of deep and " awakening interest to the American peo.- 
ple." The truth is, this farce, which is now brought out on the 
public stage, was designed for a different occasion. It was in 
January or February, 1 8S0, that they expected to exhibit before the 



24 

jviblic, anil lo uiifokl ihc talc of threats from the President, didiiiis' 
sal, ami family association, anil all that. Not being dismissed, 
then, as they expected, they laid aside their prepared tale; but 
havini; at lens^'h lost thoir offices, they bring it forth upon an 
occasion \vhi( h it does not fit, and vainly attempt to attribute the 
dissolution of the Cabinet to a false ground. That event they 
knew sprung from an entirely different cause — a cause which will 
satisfy every impartial man when he comes to understand it. 
To account for their removal, they offer any but the true reason, 
and hejice run into all sorts of absurdity. 

Shortly after this, about the 20th of jNIarch, a preparatory 
meeting of a few members of Congress was iield, with a view to 
retiucst the President to remove me from the Cabinet. Being 
ajiprisod of their design, he made a remark which satisfied the 
leaders in this movement, that to persist in their course would 
serve to expose them to public reprobation, and result in fruitless 
endeavor. Accordingly, the project was abandoned, or at least 
suspended. 

I do not impute to all who participated in this preliminary step, 
a design to unite ultimately in a measure of such high dictation to 
the President. Some were at first misled by false representa- 
tions, and induced to believe that his peace and comfort, as well 
as ihe success of his administration, depended upon it; others at- 
tended the meeting to point out the impropriety of the course, 
and to dissuade their friends from persisting in their design. 

Now, what was the motive for all this relentless persecution? 
Could it be that my wife was indeed the cause.^ Was it merely 
to exclude a female from their " good society".^ "Was one woman 
so dangerous to public morals, and so formidable in influence and 
power, as to require all this strong array of Cabinet counsellors — 
combination of members of Congress — confederacy of fashiona- 
ble ladies? Was it for that, attacks were made upon the integri- 
ty of her husband: and honor, truth and candor sacrificed ? The 
idea is truly ridiculous I She was lone and powerless. Those, 
who liked her society, sought it; and those who did not, kept 
away. Neither she nor her husband, entered into cabals and in- 
trigues, to the prejudice and injury of others. Their own multi- 



25 

plied \vrongs, they bore, with as much patience aa could >be ex- 
pected, from mortals endowed with human passions and ^sensibili- 
ties. A common understanding prevailed, express in relation to 
one family, and which was also understood in relation to others, 
that each should seek their own associates, according to their own 
will, uninfluenced and unrestrained. The motive, therefore, was 
not to exclude us from society. It is a matter altogether too small 
to account for the acts and tlie untiring zeal of so many great men. 
Was the motive merely to exclude me from the Cabinet? Was 
my presence there, dangerous to the interest of the country, or 
to its institutions? Had I ti\e power or the disposition to injure 
the one, or overthrow the other? Was it pretended that I wanted 
the ability, intelligence or integrity, necessary to the management 
of the Department of War? Of its management, there has been 
no complaint, while it was in my hands! I left it at least as pros- 
perous as I found it! Was it suspected that I was not true to the 
President, and would prove false and faithless to his administra- 
tion ? A confidential intercourse of more than fifteen years, the 
highest admiration of his character, and the deep personal inter- 
est felt in the success of his administration, were surely sufficient 
to suard me against that. Nothing of this sort entered into the 
minds of my traducers. They had no desire for my exclusion on 
account of any suspicions entertained, that I would willingly do 
injury to the interests of the country, its institutions, or to the 
President! To what then shall we look for this motive? An ar- 
dent friend of the Vice-President, in 1829, in one short sentence 
disclosed it: 

^' 3IaJor Eaton is not the friend of Mr. Calhoun.''^ 
It was this which rendered me unfit for the Cabinet, and for the 
respectable society of Messrs. Ingham, Branch, and Berrien. I 
could not, perhaps, be used to promote the views of Mr. Calhoun, 
and mio-ht exert an influence to induce General Jackson to stand 
a second election. It was riot thought that in my hands the influ- 
ence and patronage of the War Department, could be used in fa- 
vor of a successor. In that they did me justice. It was not so 
used, nor ever would have been. It was a subject about which I 

spoke not, and felt not. Not even was I solicitous for General 
4 



26 

Jacki^ii'a?ai}i to be selected, except on the gioiiHd that his princi- 
ples aiiTl, the course' of his administration, when fairly tested, 
should be found in accord with the general senseoF the people and 
the country. At a proper time they would determine this matter, 
and there Iwas willing to rest it, undisturbed by any private or of- 
ficial interference of mine. 

But "Major Eaton was not the friend of Mr. Calhoun," and 
this was a sufiicient reason, why he should not be permitted to en- 
ter the Cabinet, if to be prevented; or for forcing him out when 
there. The ineffectual attempts to exclude me, have already been 
alluded to. It has been shown that Berrien and Ingham, con- 
cealing deep in their own bosoms their feelings, entered the Cabi- 
net, under a full conviction that I presently would be excluded — 
that Mr. Calhoun's family and mine, before my appointment, in- 
terchanged civilities, and that he sought of me the appointment 
of a friend as Chief Clerk — and that thereafter all private and of- 
ficial intercourse between us, ceased. Let it be borne in mind, 
that the principals — those who have been actively employed 
against me, arc the friends of Mr. Calhoun — his devoted, active 
partizans. It is readily to be inferred, then, that this " high 
wrought tempest," has proceeded from political designs, connect- 
ed with the future hopes and expectations of Mr. Calhoun; and 
this inference I have it in my power to confirm, by the most un- 
questionable facts. 

Duff Green, Editor of the United States Telegraph, has been 
from the first the instrument of Mr. Calhoun, by whose move- 
ments he has sought to bring his plans into operation. To him 
the feelings and -plans of his party have been known. He has 
been their chief manager; first their private, iand now their public 
organ. Him they chose to carry on their private correspondence 
— liim they selected to make their debut against me, they stand- 
ing behind the scene with their notes, memoranda, and concerted 
statements, to back and sustain him. As he is their witness and 
their friend, their a^ent and associate, they will not impeach the 
testimony borne by his acts. His ivord would not be introduced 
by me as evidence against any whom he was desirous to injure. 
Before I knew him, 1 rendered substantial services to this man; 



37 

but his ingratitude is a warning to tiie friends who now confide 
in him, of Avhat they may expect if interest or policy shall here- 
after make it necessary. Before he left Missouri, he was poor 
and pennyless, too much so, as lie informed me and others, to be 
able to remove his wife and childreo to this place, where he had 
then lately established a press. Upon his application to me, and 
stating his necessities, I borrowed for him fourteen liundred dol- 
lars; part of which he repaid in about fifteen months, and the 
balance only rccentlyj when he found the sense of the commu- 
nity shocked by the baseness of employing the means furnished 
by my unreturned advances to destroy my reputation. 

In difficulty here, and pressed for money, he again in 1826 ap- 
plied to me, when, through a friend of mine in Baltimore, I ob- 
tained for him S2,500. For the very press from which, probably, 
he daily circulates his abuse of me, I have a note which was pro- 
tested and paid by me, on which I was not an endorser, and which 
has been in my possession several years, tlie whole, or a part of 
which still remains unpaid. To my exertions and zeal in his be- 
half, a^ most of the Senate of the United States can testify, is he 
indebted for his first success as public printer, the annual receipts 
of which appointment at this time are not less than from thirty to 
fifty thousand dollars. These things might have been omitted, 
for charity and friendship are secret in their operation, and 
should not be proclaimed to the world; but surely I ma}-^ be per- 
mitted to mention them, not in the spirit of an ostentatious lih- 
erality, but that the public may be able to appreciate the char- 
acters of my persecutors. 

In 1829-''30, Mr. Green was a4r!eqejht<visiter'at my house to 
"large parties," and to small, withdiis wife and daughters, and 
invited my wife'and mysolf^tD bis.' He, on several' occasions. 
Tendered his services and his .pa^erin vindication of us, against 
the slanders and abuse which at' that time were whispered about j 
and as it regards one of ilis compurgators, on whom now he 
would rely:a's a good and sufficient witness, but in whom then, 
he had no confidence, he' placed in my hand a statement of his 
own brother, tending to impeach him. What now, has brought 
fhem so/^bsely together, I know not. I only know that he hates 



28 

iftc bevoml e\en the power to extend common justice^ and wheir- 
fore is it so? Because bad men are apt to dislike those from whom 
they have leceivcd favors. But that lie should descend so far as 
to become the traducer of a female, because she is the wife ot 
one to whom he is under obligations, never to be repaid, is indeed 
strangel Mark his present coiirsel His obligations of friend- 
ship certainly arc not cancelled: at least to the extent that grati- 
tude should be concerned. Without provocation on my part, and 
without change in the character and deportment of myself and 
family, he is daily dragging before the world those, into whose 
society he introduced his wife and daughters, and whom volunta- 
rily he proffered to defend! He does not pretend that now,, he 
knows more, than when, with and without his family, he called — 
talked — smiled, and treated us as friends, wronged and persecu- 
ted, AVas he sincere then, or now? If fAen sincere, how unut- 
terable must be his depravity, in becoming the very leader of the 
band of traducers, who at present occupy the public attention! 
He then performed the duty of a friend, and acted up to the prin- 
ciples of an honest man; but yielding to the political intrigues of 
his great leader, he has sacrificed justice and decency, his own 
reputation, and the feelings of his fiimily, to subserve the cause 
of that friend, who never w^as his friend. This man is a fit asso- 
ciate of Messrs. Ingham, Branch and^ Berrien. He has united 
with them on a nefarious purpose, in the accomplishment of which, 
all that is "holy in charity," exalted in honor, and sacred in 
truth, have been rudely outraged and trodden under foot. What 
object has he to attain? What purpose to answer? Surely, he 
cannot think that in the choice . of a Chief Magistrate of this 
country, the American people are so debased, that female charac- 
ter and feeling, are to be made thetesli of elections. 

This man, to different persons, and in various directions, early 
disclosed the designs which actuated him, and others Who wore 
associated with him in feeling and in, interest in their conduct to- 
wards me. I have, a statement from S. P. Webster of this city, 
detailing the substance of Mr. Green's remarks to him in the fall 
of 1829; at the very time wl>en he was professing before me high 
consideration and great respect, aild regard. 



2^ 

• Mr. Webster, in prcseiiting the remarks made to him in No 
veniber, 1829, says — repeating Mr. Green's -language: 

" That Major Eaton, remaining in the Cabinet, was of great injury to the 
" party — that he was used by the Secretary of State to forwarcHiis interested 
" views; and if he remained in tlie Cabinet, the Secretary of State, who 
" held complete influence over hiiti, would be able to manage the President 
" as he pleased, and direct the acts of the Government to promote his (Van 
" Buren's) future prospects. That Major Eaton oug-ht to be sent Minister 
" to Russia, or at any rate, should not remain in the Cabinet; and that if 
" some decisive step were not taken soon, he did not know what might be 
"the consequence. And further, that the President ought not to be run a 
" second time. That Mr. Van Buren was »islng uU his influence to pi'evail on 
" him to run again, and in that event, would have obtained such an influ- 
" ei^ce over him and his friends, as to be able to command their influence at 
•' a subsequent election' — tliat General Jackson ought to go home." 

I have a statement of another and similar conversation, held by 
Mr. Green, in Decemher 1829, with Gideon Welles, Editor of 
the Hartford Times. — He says: 

"On the subject of the next Presidential election, Mr. Green adverted 
*' to the embarrassed situation of Mi". Calhoun at the expiration of liis pre- 
♦' sent term, when he v/ould haye served eight years, equal to that of any of 
*' his predecessors; and that Mr. Van Buren, taking advantage of his situa- 
* ' tion wished to ruin him by di-iving him into retirement. It was the policy 
" of Mr. Van Buren, he said, to persuade General Jackson to consent to a 
" re-election, because that would lead tothe postponement of Mr. Calhoun's 
" claims, and occasion him in a great degree to be forgotten. It would put 
*' Mr. Van Buren in advance of him, and this was the reason he was desl' 
"reus that General Jackson should consent to a re-election." 

Again he remarks to Mr. Welles, on this subject, about which 
it seems, he felt such deep interest and concern: 

" That Mr. Calhoun had no influence with the President, and could have 
" none, while Major Eaton was there; nor could any of his friends receive 
" appointments, so long as he was in the Cabinet. He endeavored to 
" excite my jealousy by representing, that Mr. Van Buren, tlirough Eatoji, 
" was endeavoring to confer all appointments on the old Crawford party. 
"It was indispensable, tlierefore, for the prosperity of the administration, 
" and the harmony of its members, that Major Eaton should leave the Cabi- 
■•' net, and leave Washington. There was one way in which he could retire 
" honcH-ably and victorious, if he would accept the mission to Russia, 
*' he would be making an honorab!'; exchange for the War Department: an-l 



30 

•' all wcie wlUJiig tiiat Mv. Bianch should be tlismisscd, which would fur- 
" nish Eaton a triumph."— [For the statements at large, see Appendix A 
andB.] 

Thus tluoiigli this chosen orgaai of Mr. Calhoun., \vc are pos- 
sessed of the true motive which actuated my kind assailants. 
Their plan was that General Jackson sliould be President bat for 
four years, and that Mr. Calhoun should succeed him. The 
Ti'lo;ira|)h was considered by its Editor so' omnipotent, thai 
its dictation was not to be, and could not be, rcsistetl; and 
that it rested exclusively and alone with him to declare who 
should, and who should not ''rule over us." Effect is often 
mistaken for cause, and in this case it seemed quite to have 
been overlooked, that the former consequence of this journal, 
arose from the circumstance, that heretofore it went with the peo- 
ple — not the people wldi it. The moment, however, that Mr. 
Van Huren was appointed Secretary of State, jealousy and fear 
arose, and then the desire was to place around the President as 
many of Mr. Calhoun's friends as possible, to counteract the ap- 
prehended and dreaded iniluence; a part of whicli I most gratui- 
tously was supposed to be. Devoted, as I was said to be, to 
General .Tackson, and the success of his administration, my ap- 
pointment was calculated rather to thwart than to promote their 
ulterior designs. It vvas deemed necessary to prevent it; but if 
that could not be effected, then adequate means v/ere to be re- 
sorted to to get me out of the way. All this Mr. Ingham and 
Mr. Berrien foresaw. Tico of my colleagues, if not the third, 
were in the secret, and using the influence and importance which 
office gave them and their families, to promote and further thcii 
grand design. 

Months had rolled away, and as yet the President had never 
seen and corrected the evil as was expected. Mr. Van Buren, it 
was feared, had gained, and was gaining so fast upon my esteem, 
that serious apprehor.sions were entertained that I would fall 
within the vortex of his influence. In addition, it was im,agined, 
or rather feared, that General Jackson might consent to a re-elec- 
tion, and reasons were discerned why Van Buren would desire it 
a5 matter of interest to him, and how, through my influence, the 



matter misht succeed, and the claims of Mr. Calhoun be deter- 
red, his prospects injured, and he driven into retirement. Fear 
and apprehension, and an impatience of longer delay •arose. 
*' Some decisive step," says Mr. Green, " must be taken, or else I 
do not know what v/ill be the consequence." This "malij^n 
inlluence," which, operated upon by the crafty subtlety of Mr. 
Van Buren, must be removed, or the elfect will be to postpone 
Mr. Callioun's claims, and drive him into retircinent. It must 
be removed from the President, and to accomplish it, I was to re- 
tire, not only from tlie Cabinet, but fi'om Washington, that I 
mi2;ht be as far distant as possible from the scene of their fruit- 
ful operations. The Secretary of War was not qualified for the 
duties of the War Department? yet he might be sent to represent 
his country at one of the most important courts of Europe. He 
and his family were not fit and good society for the fiimilies of 
such pure honorables as Ingham, Branch and Berrien, and yet 
they were to be considered quite " good society" enough for one 
of the first and most powerful monarchs of Europe. 

But more ! They were even willing to aft'ord me a triumph. 
For the sake of getting me away from tlie President, they were 
ready and disposed, that Mr. Branch, one of tlie friends of Vvhom 
they had made a dupe and instrument, might be dismissed. 
Amidst all this tirade of abuse and insult, previously offered, 
merely to get rid of my supposed influence, they were yet willing 
to bestow on me office and emolument, to mount me on a triumphal 
car, and tie their friend, Mr. Branch, to its v/heels. Now, can 
any man in his senses fail to wonder, that I shoukl decline all 
these liberal ofters, and finally retire from the Cabinet for no better 
reason than is asserted by these gentlemen, that the families of 
Ino-ham, Branch and Berrien would not visit me and my family? 
Truly, they make nie out a greater patriot than I am willing to 
be considered, while they afford to Mr. Branch no great cause 
for thanksiivinit to them. Their proffer shows how little he 
knew of those persons, who, for all his zeal, and ardor, and malig- 
nity to serve them and their cause, were yet willing to sacrifice 
him to their ambition, and to their thirst for office. As a part of 
the consideration in getting rid of me, they were willing to dis- 



S2 

pose ol' liim in any way, and at any sacrifice. Thus you per- 
ceive, my countrymen, the real objection to me, as a member of the 
Cabinet, and why it was that Messrs. Ingham and Berrien enter- 
ed it with concealed purposes, and with hypocritical professions. 
You can perceive the reasons why I and my family have been so 
relentlessly pursued by the friends of Mr. Calhoun; and you 
perceive the origin of the progressive and concerted attacks, first 
upon me, next upon Mr. Van Buren, and lastly, upon the Presi- 
dent, that the one might be sent to Jiussia, the other to Albany^ 
and the third to the solitude of the Hermitage. All has original- 
ted in the restless spirit of Mr. Calhoun and his partisans, and iu 
% determination that General Jackson should be President but for 
four years, and that Mr. Calhoun must and should be his succes- 

S01-. 

In the winter and spring of 1829-30, Mr. Green's paper gave 
confirmation of the feelings and plans developed iu his conversa- 
tions with Messrs. Webster and Welles. In December, the New 
Vork Enquirer intimated that the re-election of Gen. Jackson 
was desirable, and ventured to suggest, that Mr. Van Buren 
might be a candidate, provided he declined. Mr. Green sharply 
rebuked the Editor for meddling with the subject, and especially 
for introducing the name of the proposed successor. In March, 
1830, Mr. Webb again introduced the subject, though in a differ- 
ent shape. He says: " We repeat, that General Jackson, and he 
only, will be the candidate of the republican party for the next 
Presidency." In reply, the Telegraph again took exception; and 
although not so frank and full, as in the previous conversations 
had with Mr. Webster and Mr. Welles, yet the article dimly dis- 
closes the same designs. General Jackson must not again be a 
candidate, least " his acts should be subjected! to the imputation 
of selfish ends, and electioneering purposes." He might not think 
it his duty " to sacrifice his private comforts;" or, in the more 
distinct language held to Mr. Webster, " he ought to go home" 
10 the Hermitage. There is in this article, nothing of Mr. Van 
Buren's designs and intrigues", or Mr. Calhoun's claims. These 
could be better managed, and to happier effect, through private 
arrangements, which were then in progress, though not complct- 



S3 

ed. It was not yet time to appeal to the public for the correction 
of '' evils," which the President could not be made to see ; but 
MaMime was considered to be near at hand, and was evidently 
foreboded by the tone of t!ie Telegraph. 

Most of the President's nominations had been before the Sen- 
ate during the whole winter, and the public were at a loss to 
know why they were not disposed of. The friends of Mr. Cal- 
houn were constantly pouring into the ears of those who were de- 
pending on t!ie Senate for confirmation, exaggerated accounts of 
his strength in that body; and the political preferences of those 
in nomination, were secretly and artfully sought after. They 
pretended to have polled both houses of Congress, and to have as- 
certained that a majority in each, were his friends, Mr. Hill was 
rejected from the office of Second Comptroller of the Treasury, 
and Mr. Green paid him a visit of condolence, during which he 
sought to persuade him, that he had been sacrificed to " the Eaton 
and Van Buren injluence.''^ Others were privately warned, that 
they were in danger from the same quarter. It* certainly would 
have been a masterly stroke of policy, if Mr. Hill could have been 
sent to New-Hampshire, Mr. Kendall to Kentucky, Mr. Noah 
to New York, and other former Editors back to their homes, to 
resume their professional duties, impressed with tke belief, that 
Jhey had been made the victims, not of an Ingham^ Berrien and 
Branch, but of "the Eaton and Van Buren inliuence." It wa* 
a good idea, if it could have succeeded; but being rather far-fetch- 
ed, it failed. Thus is it apparent, that it was not the Secretary of 
War alone, that they desire.d to get rid of, but the Secretary of 
State also. One of the members of Congi-ess,' who attended the 
preparatory nieeting about the 20th of March, for the purpose of 
regulating the President's Cabinet, being enquired of, if my re- 
moval would satisfy them, answered emphatically: '^ No; we will 
ite .satisfied icith nothing short of the removal of Van Buren.'''' 
'■ But the removal of these t^vo unrepresented Secretaries at this 
meeti"ng, was not the only subject probably discussed before it, 
and ,which failed of success. The Premier, General Jackson 
himself, a more important personage than all, he too was to be 
disposed of: and the better to eflfpct it. conversations were to be 
5 



84 

held >vith sti-aiigers visiting the cityj ami private letters were W 
be written, to prepare tlie minds of leading politicians at a dis- 
tance, to support the decisive movement. It was not proper, nor 
the projier time, openly to take ground in the newspapers; — sap- 
ping and mining were preferable. An anti-Van Buren party was 
to be gotten up, and under that banner, without seeming to be in 
opposition to the President, it was thouglit the discontented and 
dissatisfied of all parties could rally, until the scheme being fully 
matured the mine was to be exploded, when Mr. Calhoun and 
the Telegraph were "to ride on the whirlwind and direct the 
storm." On the 19th of March, but a day before this preparatory 
meeting of members to re-organize the Cabinet, at least in part, 
Mr. Green wrote a letter to Andrew Dunlap, United States Dis- 
trict Attorney at Boston. In- that letter he says: 

" The political horizon is from day to day, more clearly indicating the 
*' point whence the storm cometh. The article from the Massachusetts 
'* Journal and the last, letter to the United States Gazette, leave no doubt 
" that Webster has resolved to push forward boldly, and on Clay alone. If 
" Clay succeeds, Webster's foitunc is made. If Clay falls, the Lieutenant 
"becomes the Commander of the defeated force. He comes into the 
" maj-kct at the head of an organized and powerful party, and associated as 
" he intends to be, with New York [Mr. Van Buren] he will have a powcr- 
" ful influence at his command. 

" Mr. who was so much with Webb, gave me^ as a piece of ad- 

*• vice intended for my own benefit and g^iidance, the information that Mr. 
" Webb had, while here, been advised not to attack Mr. Webster. Will it 

" not be well to keep an eye on the Courier, and also on «- ? Clay 

" and Webster rely on the Bank of the United States and the federal party. 

" is their organ in . Let them succeed, or let them make 

" any compromise, and the democracy of New England, and particularly of 
" Massachusetts, are tlie victims which must be offered tip to AVcbstcr's ven- 
" gcance. Is this not obvious' Unless the divisions and disunion of our 
" party can be healed, defeat is certain. Bold and decisivf, m ea,\s bxsurf. 
" va TaiDMPii. There are some now in power, who accustom themselves 
" to think lightly of the New England democracy. My own opinion is, 
" that that democracy may yet hold the fate of the Union in their hands." 

Tims were the democracy of New England addressed. They 
were warned against the N'cvy York Knquircr, and notified of an 
ultimate coalition, first witli Mr. Clay and ISU. Webster, and if 



35 

tliat failed, then with Mr. Van Buien. Webster would "oaunc 
into the market''' in great force, and sell out to Mr. Clay, if he 
could purchase, or to Mr. Van Buren if be could not. The jea- 
lousy of the New England democracy wa-; tius to be aroused; 
and they excited to action by being told '*th<>y were to be oftered 
up as the victims of vengeance;" and that "6oW and decisive means 
would ensvre us triumph. ^^ Thus was it hoped for and expected, 
that the democracy of New England would be aroused, and pre- 
pared to support ^'the bold and decisive means, ^^ then in contem- 
plation, to expel "the Eaton and Van Buren influence" from the 
councils of the President, — prevent him from consenting to a 
re-election; and iiave every thing arranged, and prepared to de- 
stroy him if he did consent. 

In a few days after, a letter was sent to Mr. M. M. Noah, of 
N«w-York. In it Mr. Green says— 

" I have no doubt that the last article in the Courier, as well as that of the 
** 12th, \vas prepared here, and are part of the intrigue intended to separate 
" the President from liis earliest and best friends. 

" As to Mr. Calhoun, the object of the Coiu'ier is to drive me to the alter- 
*' native of abandoning' hira or General Jackson. The artifice is too slial- 
*' low for success. It will recoil upon its autlior. Those who desire to 
" monopolize General Jackson's popularity for the use of Mr. Van Buren, 
" are interested in circulating such a report, which Mr. Webb took with him 
** from here; but the intelligent friends of the President, who associate 
■" with the Vice President, know it to be false." 

The report here alluded to, and declared to be false, was that 
Mr. Calhoun intended to oppose the re-election of General Jack- 
son. How false it was, the reader, under all the circumstances 
presented, is prepared to decide. But it was not wise policy, 
then, to permit such an impression to go abroad. At that time 
General Jackson was not a candidate for re-election, nor was it 
known that he would be. The true policy of the cabal was to 
maintain towards him the appearance of friendship, at least until 
that point should be settled. It was only the "malign influ- 
ence" of those who might endeavor to persuade the Pre-^identto 
consent to a re-election, and who sought to monopoliy.e his popu- 
larity for tlie benefit of Mr. Van Buren, whereby to thwart the 
plans and projects of Mr. Calhoun, that were to be assailed. 



36 

'He also wrote oh the C5th of March to Mr. Ritchie, Editor of 
tho Richmond Enquirer, and employs the following languaj>;e: 

" If there ever was a time which demanded that the friends of the coh- 
" stitution should be firm, wise, and united, the moment has arrived. The 
"payment of the national debt will present a new crisis in the histoiy of 
" nations, and create the necessitj' of new legislation, based upon the state 
" of our treasury, thereby produced. This question will then be directly 
" presented to the American people— Will you increase the expenditure 
" to meet the existing' revenue, or will you diminish the revenue to the exist- 
" ing expenditure^ 

" If General Jackson is now declared a candidate, I foresee that a new 
" race for popularity commences. He occupies the position of patronage, 
" and Mr. Clay that of tlie American System. Do not both these tend to 
*' the same termination? Can the administration contend with Mr. Clay and 
" profess to be the friends of internal improvement and of the tariff, with- 
" out throwing' its influence in favor of the vast projects of public expendi- 
" tiu-e which it is the business of Mr. Clay and his friends to set on foot> Is 
" it not the duty of all those who desire to bring back tlie constitution to 
" its original purposes, to postpone the Presidential election until the dis 
" cussion upon the great questions, connected with the approaching state 
" of our finances, shall have brought them home to every man's door ^ Un- 
" tU the people shall know that :Mr. Clay's project is to take ten millions 
*' annually out of the pockets of one portion of our citizens, for the purpose 
" of buying up another. " 

Mr. Green well knowing Mr. Ritchie's devotion to principle, 
did not venture to approach him on any other ground than that of 
principle. Appealing then to his principles, he endeavored to 
alarm him with apprehensions that tlie policy of General Jackson 
would be substantially the policy of Mr. Clay — that " patronage 
and the American System tended to the same termination." The 
object was a little more time for private action, and hence was 
Mr. Ritchie to be prevailed upon not to commit himself in favor 
of the re-election of the President, or at least to remain neutral 
in relation " to those bold arjd decisive means," which were then 
thought necessary to " insure us triumphs 

These evidences of political management, preparatory to some 
contemplated grand movement, all of which bear date about the, 
•Umc of the preliminary meeting of certain members of Congress, 
f» compel the Cabinet to be re-organized, are from the Telegraph, 



»7 

and were voluiitiinly disclosed by the Editor liiinsclf. I hnvc 
another letter, whicli has not before appeared, written by Mr, 
Green at the same time, 25th of March. I am authorized to use 
it. The body of the letter, I am informed, is not in the hand 
writing of Mr. Green, aithou2;h the signature is. It doubtles? 
was a circular carefully prepared and arranged, and forwarded in 
various directions, and to different persons. 

" Tfie intrigues of some individuals neuT the President arc daily develop- 
" ing- themselves, and must soon end in the disappointment of those con- 
" cernedin them. The article in the Nnv York Courier, assailing the press 
" [The Telegraph] and the article of theQSd, assailing the Senate, have their 
" origin in those intrigues, the object of ivhich is to make the President and 
«' others believe that Mr. Calhoun is resolved to oppose them, and thus transfer 
" the President's popularity to Mr. Fan Biiren. I shall wait a few dats 
" FOR FURTHER DEVELOPEMENTS. lu the mean time I shall take the liberty 
" of asking' you to suspend your opinion until you shall have seen the whole 
" of the matters in issue, and tV.en act on the side of patriotism. I have 
" never deceived my friends. I have never sounded false alarms. I now 
•' say to you, that the remarks, so far as Mr. Calhoun is concerned, are false, 
*' and time will shew the true object of his enemies. Mr. Calhoun is known 
" to be the true friend of tlie President." 

At this time, Mr. Calhoun was at Washington. Who can be- 
lieve, that during all this while, of "measured step and slow," 
he was not counselled and advised with; and that this circular 
was written by his advice, or passed under his revision and inspec- 
tion? It can hardly be believed, that without his approval, Mr. 
Green would take a course so important to his future political in- 
terests. It cannot be doubted, that these letters to Dunlap, 
Noah, Ritchie, and especially this circular, were written by and 
with Mr. Calhoun's advice, or passed his revision. The object 
and purpose of the last, was to show, that Mr. Calhoun " is the 
true friend of the President'': next, hov/ management and in- 
trigue were going on near the President; and lastly, that in a 
FEW DAYS a full exposure would be made. 

Wherefore all this secret, private, political arrangement? Why 
all these conversations, this wide spread correspondence, these 
intrigues in Congress, these preparatory movements "in open day 
;jnd s?cre( night"? Why this restless jealousy, and fearful fore- 



38 

Uodiiig ol Mr. ^■an liuren— this fear that lie would induce the 
President to consent to a re-election— this aj)prehenijion that I 
had Icntmvself andmyintluence, to bring about results, which 
were to thwart Mr. Calhoun, and postpone his claims? Whv the 
attempt to alarm, and to arouse the dc-iaocracy of New Englandr 
^Vhereforc disturb Mr. Noah's trauftuillity, with fancied tale-i of 
plots and intrigues, and Mr. Ilitcliic with grave and oracular 
warnin"? Wherefore, in the circular of the 25th of March, is 
lana;uagc so impressive and foreboding, and of such solemn and 
prophetic^ import, employed? What awful event, or dread de- 
sign, was a " FEW days" about to disclose, that friends, on the 
"■round that thev had NEVER ueex deceived, nor false alarms 
been sounded, should be implored to suspend their opinions? Was 
all this note of preparation— this bustle— this management— this 
toil bv dav and profound meditation by niglit— these solemn warn- 
ings and doleful cautions, to be the mere annunciation, that Mrs. 
I.__B.— B. and E. did not interchange visits, or invite each other 
to LARGE PARTIES at Washington, and that the President, 
in mai-tial pomp and spirit, had sent the gallant Hero of the 
Thames, the harbinger of a dread threat, if it were not otherwise? 
Oh, no! It was no such unimportant matter, which in a "few 
DAYS," with astounding effect, waste be brought before the Ame- 
rican people. It was a general attack upon all who would not 
acknowledge Mr. Calhoun's legitimate right of immediate succes- 
sion; a plot was to be discovered, and then we were to have an 
expose of those intrigues near the President, which were to evince 
to the WO! Id that a transfer of his popularity to another was de- 
signed. Mr. Van Buren v as to be stigmatized as the author; and 
1 was to be marked as his humble instrument in the business. It 
was intended next to denounce all the President's personal 
friends, who were near him, as a "malign influence" — ^to repre- 
sent him as the victim of their intrigues, that one by one, they 
might be driven from him; or if he would not ]>art with them, 
and should prove refractory, to open the phials of their w rath 
a"-ainst him, until sickened and disgusted with the turmoil, he 
might retire to '.he solitude of the Hermitage, and yield tiie strife 
nf politics to Ihe Vice President and his rivals. All the \isitiug 



89 

cards that wore ever prinfet] and circulated in this city, were as 
nothing, compared to this grand — this important design, which 
was to be brought out subsecpiently as an afterpiece to the new 
plot that was built upon the letter of Mr. Crawford, and the pub- 
lished correspondence. 

The question arises, why were not these plans carried out 
at the intended time? AVhy not executed.^ Why were these de- 
signs suspended, and all the labor of preparation brought to a 
pause? Passing events furnish the answer. On the 31st of March, 
the day after the letter to Mr. Ritchie was written, and before 
the "FEW days" of waiting had expired, a voice from Femmyl- 
vania ivas hurrying; through the land. The democratic meiiibers 
of the Legislature of that great State, wliich first had presented 
General Jackson, and through two contests sustained him, were 
now again the first to express their confidence in his administra- 
tion, and to nominate him for a re-elqction. Awed by the inde- 
pendent and uncorrupted voice of this State, the managers at 
Washington paused in their career, to listen for the distant 
echoes of this deafening sound, — this unexpected annunciation. 
Mark how it was announced in the Telegraph. 

• " Theposition of this press, located at the seat of goremment — its prr- 
"' sumed relation to the President, tlic high respect and delicate regard, 
" which it has, at ail times maintained for public opinion, impose restraints 
" upon it, in relation to the discussion at this time, of the proprietjf of fiis 
" continuance in ofllice for another term." 

Again, a voice from New York, responding to the recommenda- 
tion from Pennsylvania in terms of approbation, equally strong, 
was also heard, and these two large States, thus movinsrand act- 
ing together, gave answers, that whoever chose to go into retire- 
ment could do so, but that the claims of Mr. Calhoun to the 
Presidency would, certainly, for the present, have to be postponed. 
Before a recovery could be effected from these decisive move- 
ments, the veto of the President upon the Maysville Road Rill 
was announced and filled the South with joy and hope. It falsi- 
fied the predictions which had been made to Mr. Ritchie, and 
swept away that, whence a successful opposition was expected to 
arise. It was percieved that the President's moral, was no Ic?? 



40 

than his physical touraii;c, and the people ol the South already 
exhibited a general feeling in his favor. All hope of arraying the 
South against the North, was seemingly impracticable, and for 
a time abandoned. Evidences of better feeling began to appear, 
and in June, the Telegraph undertook to shovi^, that it had always 
been in favor of the re-election of General Jackson. In the 
mean time, the President and the Vice President had differed 
in relation to some incident connected with the Seminole (In- 
dian) war, which had occasioned a coolness and separation. 

Congress again assembled, and it was rumored that Mr. Cal- 
houn intended to write a book, and give to the public his corres- 
pondence with the Preriident. The papers were shown privately 
to liis friends, who busied themselves in representing the affair, 
in conversation and in their letters, as an intrigue which had been 
gotten up on the part of Van Burcn to destroy Mr. Calhoun. In 
preparing and bringing forward this address, much policy was 
necessary, and it was employed. I was requested to examine the 
manuscript, that if there was any thing in it, that could have a 
tendency to induce the President to reply to it, a modification 
might take place. The request I obeyedj but afterwards, that 
incident was used to prove, that the friends of the President had 
read and sanctioned the address, before it obtained publication. 
The statement, as it related to me, was illiberal and untrue. 

The publication of this work again aroused party animosity, and 
partisans were perceived to take sides, according to their person- 
al predilections, and to bring up the question of the succession, 
prematurely, as the means of creating division among the original 
supporters of the administration. The discussions in Congress 
were evidently marked by such lines of separation; and while 
Messrs. Ingham, Branch and Berrien, could there find apologists 
and advocates, the other three members of the Cabinet, were 
struck at, as the points of attack, by the new opposition. The 
wnc Mas a "malign influence," which was bending every thing 
10 selfish purpose, while our colleagues were receiving honor, and 
commendation. Abuse from the papers on one side, and a dispo- 
sition to retaliate from the other, was now clearly manifest. We 
rliufi had a prospect of open war between partisans of different 



41 

portions of the Cabinet, the evils of which, as m-us plainly to ^e 
perceived, could not but penetrate into our deliberations, inter- 
rupt business, affect the progress of public aftairs, and disturb the 
quiet and repose of the country. While a party to contest the 
succession was thus organized in Congress and in the Cabinet, 
one of the prominent friends of Mr. Calhoun introduced a reso- 
lution, which contemplated, by a retrospective provision, to amend 
the Constitution, so as to exclude Gen. Jackson from beinff elisi- 
ble to a re-election. If those who urged this measure in the 
House of Representatives, did not hope absolutely to disfranchise 
the President by obtaining such an amendment, they moved it as 
a means of bringing a general principle to operate on him alone, 
nnd by obtaining a vote on the abstract proposition, to urge it as 
the sense of the representatives of the people against his re-elec- 
tion. In this mode was the war waged against the fame and in- 
fluence of the man who was elevated by the voice of the people, 
and who was again summoned by them to become a candidate, 
because he had realized all their hopes, as the reformer of abuses 
in the government, and was securing the rights of our citizen's 
and adjusting the difficulties of the country. 

The situation of the President, was now easily to be perceived. 
With a Cabinet politically divided, and personally, as may be 
presumed, not very friendly, it was impossible for him to move 
along in the arduous duties of his station, with satisfaction to 
himself, or advantage to the country. It was apparent, that, in 
justice to himself, he must soon be under the necessity of re* 
organizing his Cabinet, and if it could not otherwise be accom- 
plished, to dismiss the disaffected portion of it. Having accept- 
ed, reluctantly, a place in the Cabinet, I concluded no longer to 
sacrifice my private comfort, or be the occasion of embarrassment 
to the President. Early in April, I communicated to him, (what 
in the previous month I had written to a friend in Philadelphia,) 
my wish and intention to resign, which I shortly after executed. 
In my letter of resignation, it was not necessary or proper that 
I should go into a history of events, such as are now presented* 
I confined my remarks solely to that which concerned mvself, 
'tvithout adverting to, or touching on, the conduct of ofherc. T 



42 

felt not that any defence, or vindication, far voluntarily yielding 
my oflice, v.as necessary; and feeling no disposition to injure or 
assail others, I forebore to enter into details. The same deter- 
mination would have been persevered in, had not the illiberal con- 
duct of my colleagues made a different course necessary, 

Mr. Van Bureii taking a similar view of the condition of the 
Cabinet, and the situation of the President, connected with the 
peculiar circumstances in which he had been placed by his oppo- 
nents, thought proper also to resign. Without going into a full 
explanation in his letter of resignation, or naming any of his col- 
leagues, he presented briefly the result of the political intrigues, 
which were dividing the Cabinet, distracting the party, and 
which pointed to a change in the councils of the President as ne- 
cessary and indispensable. 

The secret feelings and designs with which my colleagues en- 
tered the Cabinet, and which while there, they continued to 
cherish — their ''notes" of private conversations, treasured up for 
future and concerted use, — ■the advice of a certain cabal, and an 
acquiescence in the counsel given, to enter the Cabinet, and con- 
tinue there for special purposes, notwithstanding "the insupera- 
ble bar" which conscience suggested, and the 'indignity and 
outrase" which had been offered and borne for fifteen months, 
were all unknown to me. These were secrets worth preserving, 
and they were kept closely. Yet, entire confidence was reposed, 
that on being informed that Mr. Van Buren and myself had retired, 
the others would appreciate the motives which had occasioned 
it, and place their oftices again at the disposition of the Presi- 
dent, that he might organize a new Cabinet of homogeneous mate- 
rials, which would not be obnoxious to the attacks of any of his pro- 
fessing friends, and would suffer the affairs of the country quietly to 
be transacted. But these gentleme!i, although now they pretend 
that they had been grievously '-insulted," and were constantly 
liable to a repetition of the "outrage," could see no cause why 
they should resign, either as it regarded their own honor, the 
quiet of the President, or the harmony of his administration. 
Having gone into the Cabinet to produce discord, they could per- 
ceive no reason why they should retire from it, to restore har- 



4S 

momj. What Hiey had so lonj^ and so ardently desired, be\u^ 
attained, [the exclusion of M\ Van Buren and niysell',] they were 
more than ever disposed to continue. Besides, tliey could not 
see how the Government could well move on without them, and 
they were solicitous to procure some justification, which they 
could plead to the people, for the injury which was about to result 
to the country at being deprived of their important services! 
Their honor, and the harmony of the administration, was quite 
insuflicientl They must needs place their resignations solely on 
the will and the request of the President, that on his shoulders 
might rest the undivided responsibility of the awful deprivation 
which the Government and the country were to sufter from their 
retirement. Their wishes were gratified, and a desire commu- 
nicated that they should resign. Thus was the Cabinet dissolved; 
and thus far the country, evidently, has sustained no injury, 
save in the disturbances and interruptions to the public which 
the complaints and murmurs of this dismissed and disbanded 
corps have occasioned. If, as has been stated, the President of- 
fered to two of them, Mr. Ingham and Mr. Branch, after their 
removal, places of trust and honor, let it be set down to his kind- 
ness, not to their merits. He did not then know these men. He 
did not know how incapable they were of properly appreciating 
acts of kindness. He was ignorant that they had entered his 
Cabinet, all smiles and fair professions, with daggers concealed in 
their bosoms. He little knew that these persons, who were ad- 
mitted to his familiar intercourse, had been takin» notes of his 
private conversations and free expressions, which had been con- 
ned over between them, and prepared and carefully laid away 
for future use. He did not in fact know, they had been spies 
upon him from the beginning of his administration; and that, 
finding themselves deprived of the means of longer stealing into 
his bosom, to hunt out, and note down his thoughts, they were now 
ready for open, implacable and exterminating war. These things 
lie did not then know. Recent events have disclosed them. 

Nor did I comprehend the depth of the designs of these three 
gentlemen. Having resigned my seat in the Cabinet, and being 
about to retire to my residence in Tennessee, I did not calculate 



44 

(hat 1 should be detained here from my home and business, to de- 
fend mjself against their unprovoked attacks. In this I was mis- 
taken. My pursuers were resolved that 1 should not escape the 
sweet revenge, which their deep mortification at the loss of office 
liad aroused. I could not bear it longer. Messrs. Ingham and 
Berrien, who were here, were in habits of daily intercourse with 
the editor of the Telegraph, and their names being used in con- 
nection with the abuse which was propagated through that print 
against me, I conceived I had a right to enquire, whether their 
names had been used, and references to them made, with their 
sanction. 

I readily admit, that no imperative obligation rests upon a ma» 
to engage in private combat, merely because he is invited to do so. 
Public opinion sanctions such appeals, only when the injured par- 
ty has right and justice on his side, without other remedy. But a 
man who asserts a claim to the character of a gentleman, is bound 
to act like one. Mr. Ingham did not thus act, when to a plain and 
proper question, he returned an insulting reply, and sought *' to 
strut the hero, and to ape the warrior," without the capacity to go 
'through with that which so improvidently and rashly he had begun. 
I never asked him to admit or deny, that my family and his 
did or did not associate. He never so understood me. It was 
for the publication only, and his supposed participation in it, 
that I held him responsible. My correspondence with Mr. Ing- 
ham, his degrading apprehensions, false charges, and ignoble re- 
treat, have already, thi-ougli himself, been made known to the pub- 
lic. He is suffering merited punishment, in the contempt of the 
brave, the abhorrence of the honorable, and the detestation of the 
community. 

I addressed Mr. Berrien on the same subject. The corres- 
pondence which took place, he has laid before the public in his 
recent address. When it terminated, I had hoped our difference 
was ended. His late address, however, was of a character to in- 
duce with me a belief, that my forbearance on the former occa- 
sion, had a tendency to embolden him to further malignant assaults^ 
and accordingly, without seeking explanation, I made a direct 
call uj)on liim for peisonal redress. 



45 

His answer was never comnuniicatcil to me. Tlic fViond who 
acted in my behalf, finding it an arguinentativc, labored reply, to 
a plain and simple demand, returned it as a ]ja]>er not of a cha- 
racter to be piescnted or received. [.S>c ^%pcn(!ix C] A second 
call was made, which resulted in a refusal on the part of 
Mr. Berrien, to grant the satisfaction which had been asked. 
He has proved that, with malice and hatred in his heart, he could 
wear the garb of a IVieiu!. Pretending to have claims to honor 
and character, he could become the traducer of a woman, seek 
the ruin of a family which had never harmed him, and shrink 
from responsibility. It must be ever so! Base men are not 
brave. A guilty conscience is a bad panoply on the field of 
honorable combat. The conscious wrcng-docr anticipates the 
worst, and calculates to sufier. from a knowledjre that he de- 
serves it. It is not surprizing, tlierefore, that Mr. Berrien's 
conscience did not permit him to trust himself with one, whom, 
so wantonly and so pertinaciously, he had wronged and sought to 
injure. Tliese two men, Ingham and Berrien, will stand to- 
gether in after time, and with honorable men, monuments of du- 
plicity, ingratitude and baseness — traitors to tlieir friend, and 
destroyers of themselves — a memorable illustration of the melan- 
choly truth, that "a man may smile, and smile, and be a villain." 
For Mr. Branch, I feel but pity and contempt. He has been 
the dupe of his own littleness of mind, and the victim of his 
more wily associates. Though he has entered into their feelings, 
and aided them in their designs, — lias asserted unlrutlis, and 
offered injurious imputations, I cannot find in my heart to en- 
tertain a feeling of revenge towards so humble an accomplice. 
The restless, troubled spirit, that, through such secret agencies^ 
moved and controlled all this intrigue and management, became 
visible last winter in his proper person. His influence and ad- 
dress have associated in his schemes many partizans, besides those 
who embarrassed the late Cabinet with ditficulties. They have 
made themselves victims to his ambition. If he can now find 
pleasure in the course he has adopted for the promotion of his 
views, in the afflictions with which he has visited my dwelling, 
or in the sacrifice of the willing in^tmmcnfs who. as friends. 



46 

■were employed to do fnis service, lie must owe his satisfaction 
lo the delusions of amhition. The time will come when the vic- 
tims of his policy shall rise before him, like the sliades wliich ap- 
palled the insidious and heartless usurper Richard, to disturb 
iiis slumbers, and to drive peace from him. 

Detraction has struck at every thing around me. And, although 
it lias been uniformly pretended that the persecution against me 
originated in great regard and delicacy for public feeling and 
morals, yet what are the proofs to authorize the rumors, about 
which Mr. Ingham and Mr. Berrien jvoidd not trouble themselves 
to enquire, but which, notwithstanding, they could slily and se- 
cretly whisper into circulation? They have produced none I 
If this be legitimate warfare, there are few who may not be sub- 
jected to the ordeal from which the most innocent cannot always 
escape with a name unblighted. It is a well known fact, that in 
this citv, there are hired writers for papers at a distance; and if 
some incident docs not, from week to week, occur to fdl their 
page, fancy must suggest some gossip tale to be told, and printed, 
and circulated. The motive with the writer, is his pay — with the 
publisher, the gratification of the appetite for slander, reckless 
of the wound it may inflict. Under such a state of things, which 
party excitement now tolerates, of what concern is probity of 
character, — or what the value of a good name? It is upon this 
sort of anonymous rumor, propagated by the vicious and mali- 
cious, that political contrivers seized, to accomplish their pur- 
poses. Malignant as these gentlemen have shewn themselves, 
all I ask of them is, to waive all concealments, alledge specific 
charges, and adduce their proof. A conscience, "void of of- 
fence," can meet them and defy their malice, let them but strike 
their blows openly and in the face of day. 

But it is time to close this narrative. I am admonished, that 
already I have trespassed too long, and laid claims to an indul- 
f^ence beyond any that I had a right to ask. I could not confine 
myself within narrower limits; and if I have said too mucli, be 
my apology found in this, that it is through no culpability of mine, 
that the public have been disturbed with private matters, and with 
private griefs. Patient and forbearing, I waJs disposed to keep 



17 

to myself ll\e adjustment of my own wrongs, nor solicit the pub- 
lic to become an umijirein matters which, bein:; private, could in 
nothing concern and interest ihcm. But 1 am not permitted to 
enjoy even this humble privilege. 1 have been arraigned before 
them by men, writhing under malice, mortification, and disap- 
pointment. Idly surmising me to be the moving cause why tlic 
sun of their political glory was so suddenly shorn of its beams, 
they are restless, persecuting and unforgiving, and appeal to the 
country to redress those private griefs to which they have sub- 
jected themselves, by seeking to accomplish selfish aims at the 
expense of truth, honor and humanity. I tluow myself upon the 
pardon and forgiveness of a liberal and just community for all I 
have said, and for any thing that may appear to be improperlr 
said. Your Fellow -Citizen, 

J01Ii\ II. EATOIV. 

p. S. Gen. Robert Desha, in a letter published in the Telegraph of tlie 
9th of August, volunteers a statement to vindicate the course of Mr. Cal- 
houn, towards me. He says: " Maj. Eaton informed me in Tennessee, that 
as soon as he heai-d of the death of Timberlake, he determined to go on t» 
Washington and marry his widow, and communicated his intention to Gen. 
Jackson, who advised him to do so." In the same letter, he says: " This is 
the time for the truth, the whole truth, and nothing' but the truth ; for it is 
what the people ai-e in search of." 

More than a month after this letter was written, Gen. Desha again writes 
a corrective letter, contradictory of the material statements of the original; 
xnd for the mistakes of the first, excuses himself by saying-, that he "j did 
not READ SAID LETTEu after writing it." Strange indeed, that a man should 
prepare a letter, intended for the press, and to affect other persons, and af- 
terwards admit it to be incorrect, and offer as matter of excuse, that he 
did not read it after writing it. In this corrective letter, which was written 
after his friends at Washington had informed him, that I had it in my power 
to correct it, by most indisputable testimony, he says; " I never held a con- 
versation with Major Eaton, in Tennessee, upon that subject; but it was in 
the conversation had in Washington, the Major infoi-med me, that when he 
was in Tennessee, and heard of the death of Mr. Timberlake, he had com- 
municated his intentions of man-ying- the widow, to Gen. Jackson, who was 
also in Tennessee, who approved of it, and advised him to do so." The 
General has not gotten his story right yet. He still adheres to the point, 
that I was in Tennessee when I heard of the ddath of Mr. T., and that Gen. 
Jackson advrsed me to marry, kc. 



48 

TIjc purpose of tliis statCiTicnt is evident. It is tlial the public siiould 
nfer tli:it ! could, in Tennessee, immediately on hearing of tlie death of 
Mr. T., determine "to come on to Washington," not to address, but ofrnj 
own will to MAnnr his widow; leaving it to be inferred, that I was not only 
conscious of a state of circumstances, wliich made it unnecessary to consult 
her upon the subject, but that GenerHl Jackson was also aware that such 
was tlie case. 

Tn the Spring of 1828, while in the city of Washington, infoi-mation was 
rcceired at the Navy Department of the death of Mr. Timberlakc. I heard 
of it here, not in Tennessee; and when Gen. Desha's letter appeared, there 
were persons in this city who knc\\', and said, tliat his statement was incor- 
rect Doubtless some friend here afibrded Iiim the information, which im- 
posed tlic necescity of writing his second note, which, like tlie first, requires 
to be corrected. I went home to Tennessee in 1828 — remained there dur- 
ing the Summer, and in November returned to \\ashingtonj From this 
place I wrote a letter to Gen. Jackson upon the subject, and in that letter 
stated to him my views, intentions, wishes, and expectations, and from him 
receivedan answcrapprovingoftheconrsel had pursued — the determination 
I had taken. Reing possessed of this letter, I can be under no mistake as 
to daics or facus. 

In conclusion, permit me to remark, that Gen. Desha has thrust Iiimself 
into this controversy quite imnecessarily. His appearance as one of my 
assailants was not called for, or required. He has appeared a mere volun- 
teer to sustain Mr. Calhoun. I know not what, other object he had to 
answci^— wliat other purpose to serve. 

In support of what I have said, I place here a statement of Mr. Mechlin 
of the Navy Department. Were it necessarj', others could be obtained, to 
show that Gen. Deslia is imder a mistake, in what he has said to affect me, 
and to affect Gen. Jackson. The character and standing of Mr. M. renders 
any thing further unnecessar}'. Mr. Mechlin says: 

*' In the Spring of 1828, news Mas received at the Nav}- Department, of 
the death of J. 15. Timlieriake, Pui-ser on board the United States frigato 
Constitution. I set out to inform Mr. O'Neale and the family; but meeting 
with Major Eaton on the Avenue, who then boarded tliere, I requested him 
to communicate the infomiation. J. MECHLIN." 

Gen. Desha also says, there was no meeting at tlie last session of Con- 
jTcss, with a view to obtain my removal from the Cabinet. It has not been 
so averred. He will not say though, tliat this was not the case at the ses- 
sion of 1829-30. 

With these explanations, which must satisfy Gen. Desha of the mistalor 
he has made, I take leave of the subject. 

J.H. E. 



APPEIVDIT. 






A.— (See page 29.) 
Statement of Mr. S. P. Webster. 

Previous to the Presidential election, I was in the habit of fre- 
ijueut intercourse with Dutt' Green, at his house, and more com- 
monly at his office. In the fall of 1829, October or November,, 
I met with General Green, and he commenced talking about Col. 

, who was then in the War Department, and whom he 

wished turned out. I thought he seemed rather in an angry hu- 
mor, and extended his conversation to Major Eaton generally. 
He remarked, that his remaining in the Cabinet was of great in- 
jury to the party generally — that his situation made him the sup- 
port of the weak persons of both parties; and that such persons 
leaned upon him for support — that he was used by the Secretary 
of State to forward his interested and selfish views, and that Mr. 
Van Buren, through him, was seeking to secure the confidence 
and personal friendship of General Jackson — that if Eaton con- 
tinued in the Cabinet, the Secretary of State, who had influence 
over him, would be able to manage the President as he pleased, 
and direct the acts of the government to his (Mr. Van Buren''s) 
future prospects. That General Jackson ought to send Major 
Eaton to Russia, or at any rate it was necessary that he should 
not longer remain in the Cabinet — that some of General Jackson's 
best friends had spoken to him freely on this subject, and if some 
decisive step was not taken soon, he did not know what might be 
the consequences. 

In the course of the conversation, he observed that the Presi- 
dent ought not to be run a second time; that he was sure he did 
not wish it, and would prefer retiring to the Hermitage at the end 
of the year; and that in effect he had promised to do so, and the 
people vvould be dissatisfied if he did not — that Mr. Van Buren 
was using all his art and intrigue to induce him to suffer himself 
to be run again; but that if he was again elected, Mr. Van Buren 
would have obtained such an influence over him and his friends as 
to be able to command their interest at a subsequent election — 
that we (the Jackson party,) had been fighting for the last five 
years against Cabinet succession, and were now quietly sitting;. 
down and permitting thcSecretarv of State to use General J. and 
7 



30 

the whole inlcrcst of the Govcnniioiit, to ensure his future suc- 
cess — that, if this was permitted, we liad uiained nothing by the 
change — that the great republican ] arty would fix upon a candi- 
date who would get the votes of the party in 1832; and that 
General Jackson ought to go home. This was the last conversa- 
tion or intercourse I ever had with Green, beyond a mere saluta- 
tion. I plainly perceived he was no friend to General Jackson, 
?.nd I determined to have no further political intercourse with him. 



B— (See page 29.) 

Statement of Gideon JVilles, Editor of the Ilarlfonl Times. 

Whilst in Hartford, Connecticut, General Green several times 
spoke of Major Eaton as wanting energy and independence — 
3aid that the contest which brou-jjit General Jackson into power, 
had been with him merely pergonal, not one of principle — that he 
exercised his influence in behalf of opposition office holders, and 
was opposed to removals. In conversation with liim at Washing- 
ton, the latter part of December, 1829, he said, it was necessary 
lor him to leave Washington if the Administration would prosper. 
Although they were personal friends, and he wished him well, 
truth required liim to state, that his remaining at Washington 
was injurious to the Administration — that, through him, Mr. Vaii 
Buren had already attained great influence over General Jackson, 
and wish.ed him to consent to a re-election, in order to postpone 
Mr. Calhoun's claims, and drive him, if possible, into retirement. 
It is unnecessary to repeat the political views of (General Green 
and his associates, his eulogies on Mr. Calhoun, his talents, his 
services, his political strength, the devotedness of his friends, 

particularly of Judge , who, though a mason, could bring 

in aiiti-nij.sonic, federal, and religious parties. Nor need I state, 
how willing the faction was to sacrifice their friend, the Judge, 
with all his popularity, if Mr. Van Buren would cease pressing a 
re-election on the President, and consent to be placed on a ticket 
as Vice President. Had that arrangement been made, or any 
other that would have secured Mr. Calhoun the Presidency, 
nothing probably would have been heard of Cabinet and family 
difficulties at Washington, nor Mr. Ingham have assailed me. 
As I learned by t!»at conversation. Gen. Green's object was to 
bring forward S\v. Calhoun for President; and he and his advisers 
coui-idercd Major Eaton and Mr. Van Buren as obstacles. He 
seemed to suppose, however, that if Eaton was removed, all would 
be peace and harmony, and removed he must be. 



51 

Mr. Calhoun, he said, had no influence with the President, and 
could have none while Major Eaton remained there, nor could 
any of his friends receive appoin'nuMits, so lonu; as he remained 
in llie C.iOinet. K.nowiii;|; that I had been an advocate for Gen. 
Jackson since 1824, he endeavored to enlist jealousy by repre- 
senting that Mr. Van Buren, throii.;h Major Ivaton, was endea- 
voring to confer all appointments on the old Crawftrd party. It 
was indispensable to the prosperity of the Ailministration, there- 
fore, and the harmony of the members, that he should leave 
Washington. 

He admitted that Branch and Berrien had treated Maj. Eaton 
unkindly. That they had courted his society the previous winter; 
were frequently riding with him and Mrs. Eaton, and that each 
were under greater personal obligations to him than any other indivi- 
dual except the President. Mr. Branch, he seemed to think most 
culpable, as through Maj. Eaton, principally, he said, he had intrud- 
ed himself into an oltice, to the surprise of all; and when the 
whole country had their eyes on another. It was that, he 
said, which had defeated his and my wishes, and of most of 
our friends. But that between these gentlemen, there was now 
particular animosity. 

There was one way in which Maj. Eaton could retire honorably 
and victorious. Bf accepting the mission to Russia, it would be 
making an honorable exchange for the War Department, and all 
were willing Mr. Branch should be dismissed, which would fur- 
nish a triumph to Eaton. This arrangement of having both leave 
the Cabinet, would satisfy all parties. It was desirable Major 
Eaton should leave the Cabinet, and leave Washington. The 
mission to Russia was an honorable post, and he and Baron Kru- 
dener were friends, and on intimate terms. This arrangement 
he spoke of as having been for some time under consideration, 
and he assured me, there would be a change of the Cabinet before 
Congress closed its session. He mentioned the individual who 
would probably succeed Mr. Branch. He alluded to an "insu- 
perable bar" to this arrangement, provided Maj. Eaton was re- 
fractory, and determined to remain, and that was, in overcoming 
the friendly feelings of the President. He seemed to despond 
when he spoke of the abiding affection, which formed so promi- 
nent a trait in his charactei-, and which never would permit him 
to forsake a triend. 



C-^(See page 45.) 

Correspondence between Mr. Eaton and Mr. Berrien. 

WAsniXGTO?." CiTi, Monday Morning, Jul t/^olh, 18.31. 

Sir: In your letter to me of the 18th of June, in reply to mine 
of the preceding day, you in effect say, (althniigh denying my 



52 

right to interrogate you,) tliat the attacks made upon me, in a 
paper of this city, ^vere "without your agency." You volun- 
teered the declaration, that you did' not " think it necessary to 
decide upon the truth or falsehood of the statements which were 
made,-' in relation to my family; leaving me to understand, that 
as you had formed no opinion, "so neither had you expressed one, 
in any wise derogatory of me. After these explicit disavowals as 
to yourself, I did not deem it proper to take exception, or to hold 
you personally accountable, for co'.d'orming to rumors which you 
may have heard, or " to the general sense of the community,'* 
which you so falselv assume as a pretext to injure me, and to dis- 
parage" hundreds of the most respectable persons in our country, 
wholiave maintained friendly relations with me and my family- 
persons in all respects equafin standing with you, and those who 
hold intercourse with you. Upon this proof of my forbcaranc 
a forbearance which Tever hope to exercise, except in cases of 
hio-h emer^-encv, you have grown bold; and in a labored article 
recently acldressed to the public over your signature, giving coun- 
tenance and sanction to the base slanders which have been propa- 
gated against me in my domestic relations. You speak of them 
*' as evils which presented an insuperable bar to your entering the 
Cabinet;" and that vour assent was finally given, under the per- 
suasion that the President would speedily see his error, and by 
removing me, correct the evil. This is what you intend to say, 
omitting'^ at the same time a material fact, which was known to 
you, that I was the identical person through whom was communi- 
eate'd to you the desire of the President, that you shouhl enter 
fcis Cabinet; and that through the same person you returned an 
answer, ottering at the time private business only as a reason why 
you could not, and did not, at the instant of the application, 
Tuake a prompt acceptance or refusal. 

Sir, the open attempt now nmde, unprovoked — one altogether 
uncalled for by any course of mine towards you — is obvious to 
every eye. The whole nation must perceive that your object and 
purpose is to mark me with dishonorable imputation. These ef- 
forts of yours, so persevered in, will, I confidently believe and 
hope, justify me to the American people, and to all honorable 
jnen, in requiring of you the reparation due to one who so wan- 
tonly has been abused, insulted, and injured: and accordingly I 
do require it. 

With due respect, 

J. II. EATON. 

To Jno. McPherson Berrien, Esq. 

P. S. This letter was prepared to be delivered to ynu on Mon- 
day, but the absence of the friend, who was expected to be the 
bearer, the daily expectation of his return, and the difficulty of 
procuring (me unconnected here with the Government, has occa- 
ojoned the delav. J- H- E- 



53 

"^Fo this letter a long argumentative reply was returned. 1 
uever saw it. My IViend refused to receive it, as not being a 
proper and definite answer to the call. Gen. Hunter's letter 
explains what afterwards took place. It is as follows: 

Wasuinctox, Tuesday Evening, 2nd Jlugust, 1831, 

Dear Sir: I enclose to you the correspondence which has ta- 
ken place between General Jones and myself, to whom I was rer 
i'erred as the friend of Mr. liERRiEN. 

You will perceive, from the character the transaction had as- 
sumed in mv absence, I had only one course to pursue on my 
return to this City, which was to explain the reason of that absence, 
and require of ^Ir. Berrien, to an explicit demand, an answer 
equally so. I was informed, verbally, by the General, that his 
friend had taken his ground, in the rejected communication, from 
which he would not depart; and that if the case of Major Eaton 
\vas pressed further at this time, it was to be understood as de- 
clined. I, however, thought it best to deliver my note, and await 
a written reply. Gen. Jones' letter of the 2nd of August, in 
answer to mine of the first — nothing other than a confirmation of 
what had been verbally declared to me the previous evening — and 
I accordingly assumed upon myself to say, as your friend, I 
could hold no further correspondence with him on the subject. 
Deeming it unnecessary and improper to proceed further, as I 
considered the matter finally closed. I remit it back to your 
hands. In conducting tliis business, I take accasion to say, that 
I was at the place of conference curing Thursday and the next 
day from 10 to 3 o'clock, leaving a note saying, I should again be 
in attendance on Saturday. 

I am, Sir, with great respect, 

Your friend and obedient servant, 

ALEXANDER HUNTER. 

Maj. John H. Eaton. 

Copy 0^ a letter, addressed bt/ Gen. Hunter to Mr. Berrien, which he was 
directed to deliver to Gen. Jones, as the friend of Mr. Berrien, dated 

Washington Citt, 1st August, 1831. 

Sir — Severe indisposition since Friday evening last, confined 
me to my bed, and prevented me from conferring with you on 
the subject of Major Eaton's call of Thursday. I was conse- 
quently not in place when your answer of Saturday, (as I under- 
stand,) was presented. Hence, from necessity, it was read by 
another friend, who. deeming it inadmissible, returned it. 



54 

I now await your answer. The call of Major Eaton is explicit- 
it is expected the answer will be equally so. 

I am, Sir, very respectfully, 

Your most obedient, 

ALEXANDEU HUNTER. 
John McPhersox Berrien, Esq. 

Copy of so much of Gen. Jmes' letter to me, in amwer to mine of the 1st oj 
August, addressed to Mr. Berrien, as relates to the subject matter, received 

12 O'CLOCK, 2d Aug-ust, 1831. 

Dear General — In answer to the note which you put into ray 
hands at parting this evening, for Mr. Kerrien, I can only re- 
capitulate, in few words, what, for your private satisfaction as a 
gentleman and man of honor, I have already communicated to 
you verbally. 

According to Mr. Berrien's appointment with you on Thursday, 
he sent by a member of his family, (wholly unapprised at the 
time, of the nature and tendency of the correspondence,) a sealed 
letter to vourself, enclosing a written answer to the note delivered 
by you fiom Major Eaton. The bearer of this answer attended 
several times, both on Friday and Saturday, at tlie place of ap- 
pointment, but without meeting you, in consequence, as I new 
understand, of your confinement at home from indisposition. On 
Saturday, l)e was met at the place of appointment by another 
friend of Majoi- Eaton, witli authority to receive tlie communica- 
tion in your place; which, after being opened and read, was 
forthwith returned to Mr. Berrien, v.ith a verbal intimation that 
Major Eaton would not receive it. 

This seems to close the door to all correspondence between 
the parties, and of course to any communication in reference to 
the original demand upon Mr. Berrien, between third persons, 
acting in their behalf. In Mr. Berrien's proffered answer to Maj. 
Eaton, he has taken his ground, and upon that, under existing cir- 
cumstances, he must stand as firm and immoveable as he would 
upon any other that he might have elected. After the indignity 
of having the answer, which he had devised, thrown back upon !ns 
hands as unworthy of replv, without the slightest explanation how 
or why it was deemed inadmissible in Ihnine, he cannot subinit to 
the task of graduating new answers by an imaginary scale, till 
he may chance to have descended to some supposed dejjree of 
admissible answer. I was myself vlicllv unapprised of tl-.is un- 
happy affair, till it was communicated to me this morning: v^hpn 
I engaged, in mse you should lake any further agency in the 
matter, to explain to you individually as a gentleman, what 
guarded respect to th" original medium of communication be- 



55 

twecn the parties, ^Mr* B. had observed in all that had becu 
transacted during; your absence, and how completely all direct 
and authorised intervention had been cut off, and the affair re- 
mitted to the discretion of mere parties. Sucli was the beginning, 
and such was the end of my present commission- 
Copy of my answer to the foregoing letter, dated 

Washington, 2d August, 1831. 

Dear General — From your note of this morning, it appears 
that the matter, so far as you are concerned, as the friend of 
Mr. Berrien, is terminated — as the friend of Major Eaton, I 
jcan, therefore, hold no further correspondence with you. 

1 am. dear Sir, yours very truly, 

AT.RXANDER HUNTER. 



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